ደሃይ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
ቀዳም 18 መጋቢት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። እዚ ብዙሓት ኣባላት ዝተሳተፍዎ ኣኼባ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ግዜ’ዚ ቀንዲ ዋኒኑ ኣብ ሓምለ ናይ’ዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ዓመት ዝካየድ ራብዓይ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ከመይ ዕዉት ይኸውን ዝብል ኮይኑ ብዝርዝር ኣብ’ዞም ዝስዕቡ ዛዕባታት ተመያይጡ፡
1) ጉባኤና ዕዉት ክኸውን ዘድልዮ ባጀት ከመይ ነዳሉ
2) ብናይ ሰነድ ሽማግለ ድሮ ተነዲፎም ናብ ምሉኣት ኣባላት ተዘርጊሖም ዘለዉ ክልተ ዓበይቲ ሰነዳት ማለት ፖለቲካዊ ፕሮግራምን ቅዋምን ዞባና ከመይ ይመያየጠሉን የሀብትሞን
3) ኣብ ሓጻዪት ሽማግለ ዝለኣኸቶ መምርሒታት ክህልዉ ዝኽእሉ ሕቶታት ምርኣይ
4) ጨናፍር ወኪሎም ኣብ ጉባኤ ዝሳተፉ ንምምራጽ ካብ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ዝተላእከ መምርሒ ምርኣይ
5) ኣብ ወርሒ ሰነ ቅድሚ ጉባኤ ንድልውነትና ክመዝን ዝተዳለወ ናይ ምሉእ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ሰሚናር ከመይ ንዳለወሉ ዝብሉ ኔሮም።
ኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣብ ነፍስወከፍ ኣጀንዳ ብዕምቆት ብሱል ዘተ ኣካይዶም።
1) ዕዉት ጉባኤ ክነካይድ እኹል ባጀት ክህሉ ኣድላዪ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ ወሳኒ ምዃኑ ንኹሉ ርዱእ ኮይኑ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ድሮ ክካየድ ዝጸንሐ ናይ ገንዘብ ወፈያ ብዘደንቕ ልግሲ ቀጺሉ። ብዘይካ’ዚ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዝተዋጸአን ዝቕጽል ዘሎን ወፋያታት ካብ ኣባላት ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ ካብ ዓቕሚ-ኣዳም ዝበጽሑን ነብሶም ዝኸኣሉ ደቅናን ተደናገጽቲ ሰልፍናን ምዃኑ ተገሊጹ። እዚ ሓበሬታ’ዚ ሞራል ኩሉ ኣባል ሓፍ ዘበለ ኔሩ።
2) ንድፊ ፖለቲካዊ ፕሮግራምን ቅዋምን ሰልፊ፡ ኣብ ጉባኤ ዓንቀጽ ብዓንቀጽ ክንመያየጠሎም እኹል ግዜ ስለዘይህሉ ነፍስወከፍ ጨንፈር ተመያይጦም ኣብ’ቲ ንድፊታት ዝህልዎም ርእይቶታት ናብ ናይ ሰነድ ሽማግለ ዝሰድሉ ቅጥዒን መምርሒን ተገሊጹ። እዚ መስርሕ’ዚ ድሮ ጀሚሩ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ እዩ።
3) መስርሕ ሕጸ በጺሑዎ ዘሎ መድረኽ ብኣባላት ሓጻዪት ሽማግለ ተገሊጹ። ኣብ ዝተላእኸ መምርሒ ዝነበረ ሕቶታት ተመሊሱ። እዚ መስርሕ’ዚ ቅድሚ ጉባኤ ክሰላሰል ኣዝዩ ኣገዳሲ ምዃኑ በሪሁ።
4) ጨናፍር ወኪሎም ኣብ ጉባኤ ዝሳተፉ ንምምራጽ ብቅዋም መሰረት ብኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ዝተላእከ መምርሒ ብዝርዝር ተራእዩ። ዝቐረቡ ሕቶታት ተመሊሶም። እዚ መስርሕ’ዚ እውን ድሮ ተጀሚሩ ዝትግበር ዘሎ እዩ።
5) ዕለታትን ሰዓታትን ናይ ቅድሚ ጉባኤ ክካየድ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ ሰሚናራት ተሓቢሩ። ኩሎም ኣባላት ብዝተኻእለ መጠን ክሳተፍዎን ዘለዎም ሕቶታትን ርእይቶታትን ኣዳልዮም ክመጹን ለበዋ ተዋሂቡ።
መላእ ኣባላት ዝዓግብሉን ሞራልን ንያትን ሓፍ ዘበለ ህድኣትን ምክብባርን ዝዓሰሎ ኮይኑ ተዛዚሙ።
ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ።
የቐንየልና።
ምልኪ ይፍረስ! ፍትሒ ይንገስ!
ክንዕወት ኢና!
ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
19 መጋቢት 2023
ደሃይ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
ቀዳም 15 ጥቅምቲ 2022 ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ መብዛሕትኦም ኣባላት ዝተሳተፍዎ ዕዉት ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ ኣባላት ኣካይዱ። ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ ኣብ’ዞም ዝስዕቡ ኣገደስቲ ዛዕባታት ብዕምቆት ተመያይጡ፡
1. ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ካብ ዕለት 23 ክሳብ ዕለት 25 መስከረም ኣባላት ካብ ኩሉ ኩርናዓት ዓለም ዝተሳተፍዎ ሰልፋዊ ሰሚናር ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርናን ዞናናን መዚኑ ዝወጠኖ መደባት ዞባና ከመይ የተግብሮ
2. ምስ ኣብ ከባቢና ዘለዉ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ከመይ ብሓባር ንሰርሕ
3. ኣብ ነፍስ-ወክፍ ኣርባዕተ ዓመት ዝካየድ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ፡ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዓመት 2023 ከመይ ነዕውቶ
4. ሓጻይት ሽማግለ ሰልፊ፡ ብቕዓትን ናይ ኤርትራ መልክዕን ዝውንን መሪሕነት ምእንቲ ክምረጽ ዝተለመቶ መደባት ምርኣ
5. ዞባዊ ጉባኤ ዝካየደሉ ግዜን ኣገባብን ንምርኣይ መባእታዊ ድህሰሳ ምግባር
ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ ኣብ ነፍስወከፍ ኣርእስቲ ዝኣክል ግዜን ተገዳስነትን ሂቡ ዓሚቕን ሰፊሕን ምይይጥ ድሕሪ ምክያድ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ነጥብታት ደምዲሙ።
ኣኼባ ህድኣትን ምክብባርን ዝዓሰሎን ሞራል ኣባላት ክብ ዘበለ ኮይኑ ብዓወት ተዛዚሙ። እዚ ኣኼባ’ዚ
ኣባላት ፈጻሚት ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ነበርቲ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ብምልኣት ዝተሳተፍዎ ምንባሩ ተወሳኺ ድምቀት ሂቡዎ ውዒሉ።
ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ።
የቐንየልና።
ምልኪ ይፍረስ! ፍትሒ ይንገስ!
ክንዕወት ኢና!
ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
10-15-2022
Totalitarianism Is Still With Us
Totalitarianism Is Still With Us
The case of Eritrea shows that totalitarian systems are inherently toxic, and that no amount of “engagement” will change them.
By Steve Walker
SEPTEMBER 5, 2022, 6 AM ET
There was only one surprise in the vote tally for a United Nations General Assembly resolution in March condemning Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. As a wholly owned Vladimir Putin subsidiary, Belarus naturally followed instructions from headquarters; Syria’s “no” vote was repayment to the capo dei capi in Moscow for his regime-saving military support; and of course North Korea voted no. But Eritrea? Why would a little country in the Horn of Africa with no significant ties or obligations to Russia choose, at such a highly charged geopolitical moment, to give the finger to established norms of international behavior, in the process incurring irreversible reputational damage while seemingly gaining nothing?
The case of Eritrea is worth considering because, like Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, it reminds us of a lesson the West should not forget as it navigates“post-truth” geopolitics: that totalitarian systems are inherently toxic and by their very nature destabilizing, and that no amount of “engagement” will change them.
I,like all first-time visitors to Eritrea’s capital, was charmed by Asmara when I arrived as the new chief of mission at the U.S. embassy in 2019. The streets are immaculate; thanks to its Art Deco architecture, a living legacy of the Italian colonial period, the city is a UNESCO World Heritage Site; the weather is perfect.
But in truth Eritrea is a human-rights house of horrors. Dissent is illegal. There is no independent press. Under compulsory, indefinite national service, citizens are conscripted or assigned to civilian jobs. The country has never held a national election. Eritreans live in a state of perpetual fear: Secret police and informers proliferate; arrests are arbitrary; citizens are routinely detained but not told on what charge, and the lucky ones who are released are given no reason for their freedom and are told to keep silent. Thanks to “revolutionary” economic policies, Eritrea is poor, has no infrastructure to speak of and thus no realistic hope for economic development, and is chronically food insecure. Before the coronavirus pandemic and the conflict in northern Ethiopia made cross-border travel impossible, hundreds of Eritreans fled their country every day.
The regime’s desire for total control—“social mobilization” justified by an eternal state of emergency—pervades all sectors of Eritrean society. Citizens wishing to go abroad must get an exit visa; those traveling within the country must have “circulation papers” and produce them for armed soldiers at checkpoints along the way. There are four recognized religions; all other worship is illegal. Eritreans are allowed to withdraw only the equivalent of $330 a month from their bank accounts, and they must do this in person at bank branches because there are no ATMs in Eritrea and online banking does not exist. I wanted to visit a privately owned dairy last spring but was told that this would require a written invitation from the dairy, which then had to be sent to the Ministry of Agriculture for approval, then sent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which would decide whether to issue a travel permit. Evil may be banal, but in Eritrea, it is also ridiculous.
Eritrea didn’t exist when Jeane Kirkpatrick, a former diplomat and political scientist, wrote her classic “Dictatorships and Double Standards,” but the pariah state that today haunts the Horn of Africa confirms her essay’s contention that totalitarian systems are more pernicious than authoritarian ones, ideologically constructed in a way that precludes liberalization, and inevitably destabilizing. I read Kirkpatrick’s essay in graduate school. I forgot its important lessons.
Instead, I recall with not a little embarrassment that I arrived in Asmara eager to “constructively engage” and optimistic that, through hard work and patience, I could improve ties between the U.S. and Eritrea. I was not alone in this newbie enthusiasm: Many a diplomat accredited to Eritrea has arrived brimming with energy and ambition only to depart a few years later frustrated, exhausted, and with little to show in terms of tangible achievements. My time in Eritrea was eventful, encompassing the coronavirus pandemic, the civil-war-like conflict in northern Ethiopia, and a drastic deterioration in our bilateral relationship. The experience was an education in the unique challenges that totalitarian systems pose. As a foreign-policy practitioner, I arrived at a number of conclusions about dealing with totalitarian states that are, in essence, a set of practical diplomatic corollaries to Kirkpatrick’s conceptual framework. (These represent my own views, not necessarily those of the Department of State.)
1: Diplomatic engagement with totalitarian states is futile. The Eritrean regime loves to “engage”—to participate in and publicize talks and meetings that give the impression of openness and reasonability. During these interactions, however, Eritrean officials make clear to their foreign interlocutors that the regime will, as they told one of my colleagues, “compromise on process but not on principles.” In other words, you can “engage” indefinitely, but nothing is going to stop the regime from terrorizing and impoverishing its people, or destabilizing the region. (It has for decades intervened in, or triggered, conflicts and civil wars in neighboring states.) There is a natural tendency among diplomats, in Washington and elsewhere, to favor engagement. This is understandable, but potentially dangerous because engagement, if not carefully calibrated, risks legitimizing totalitarian regimes. The U.S., like-minded countries, and the UN should continue to deal with Eritrea, and even cooperate on issues of mutual interest, but this should be tactical interaction subordinate to a strategic appreciation that the regime is inimical, if not hostile, to our interests and values.
2. We should support oppressed populations by acknowledging their lived reality. Totalitarian regimes aren’t satisfied with political control. They demand the pervasive control that can only come by determining the “truth.” According to the carefully curated narrative propagated by the Ministry of Information, Eritrea is an African David engaged in a righteous fight for its dignity and survival against a U.S.-led Western Goliath that “weaponizes” human rights. In this telling, the government and people, united as one, have achieved social justice, national self-reliance, and ethnic and religious harmony. In fact, Eritrea is a human-rights-abusing geriatric dictatorship dominated by Tigrigna Orthodox Christians that is totally dependent on borrowing from foreigners. The U.S. may not be able to rescue the Eritrean people, or any other people living under totalitarian dictatorships, but by providing accurate information and diverse views, it can empower them by thwarting regime efforts to control perception. Many Eritreans have told American diplomats that our human-rights advocacy has given a voice to the voiceless. That is what American diplomacy should seek to do. To its credit, the Biden administration recognizes this. Speaking in Pretoria on August 8, Secretary of State Blinken stressed the U.S. commitment to work with African “partners to tackle 21st century threats to democracy like misinformation, digital surveillance, [and] weaponized corruption” through diplomatic support, including hosting the African Leaders Summit this December, as well as financial assistance under the bipartisan Global Fragility Act, which provides $200 million annually to promote reform and good governance in conflict-prone areas.
3. Confrontation is necessary and appropriate. Totalitarian systems need to have an enemy; foreign (usually Western) hostility justifies their repression. We should unapologetically but not hostilely counter totalitarian regimes’ efforts to propagate misinformation, legitimize their repression, and misrepresent Western policies. I decided last fall that we had for too long given the Eritrean propaganda machine a free pass. This neglect had normalized the regime’s human-rights abuses and propaganda. We began countering the regime’s disinformation, especially anti-American propaganda emanating from the information minister’s Twitter feed, on our embassy Facebook page. Public diplomacy typically seeks to focus on “positive” stories. In the case of totalitarian regimes, we should not be fearful of disciplined confrontation. In Eritrea, that approach worked.
4. Totalitarian states are inherently destabilizing and should be isolated and contained. Totalitarian regimes are cancers in the international body politic. It is in their DNA to metastasize. Eritrea is a regional menace. Its decades of destabilizing belligerence—including the Hanish Islands dispute with Yemen in 1995; interference in the Second Sudanese Civil War in 1996–98; the border war with Ethiopia in 1998–2000; border skirmishes with Djibouti in 2008; and alleged assistance to the terrorist al-Shabaab group in Somalia in the mid-2000s—led to UN sanctions in 2009 and 2011. Eritrea’s current military involvement in the conflict in northern Ethiopia, during which Eritrean forces have reportedly looted and committed horrific human-rights abuses, including sexual violence, against civilians, has complicated efforts to stop the fighting and exacerbated an already dire humanitarian crisis. We must accept that with totalitarian regimes, aggression is a question of when, not if, and tailor our diplomatic approaches and calculations accordingly. Our current Eritrea policy of sanctions and isolation is a good template for dealing with totalitarian regimes. We may not be able to stop their aggression, but we can try to contain it.
The answer to the question I opened with—why did Eritrea vote “no” on the UN resolutions condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a vote that the information minister, out-Orwelling Orwell, described as “a demonstration of [Eritrea’s] uncompromising stand for peace”?—is that it wanted to punish the U.S. for American sanctions imposed on Eritrea last fall when diplomatic engagement failed to persuade the regime to withdraw its forces from northern Ethiopia. That this came at the expense of fundamental international principles, contradicted Eritrea’s previous public positions, and confirmed Eritrea’s pariah status appears not to have mattered to the Eritrean leadership. This is another aspect of totalitarian regimes: Many are led by mercurial, paranoid, and grievance-nursing sociopaths. Our expectations of success in engaging with people like this should be modest.
The point I’m trying to make here is that totalitarianism is still with us, and still evil. The assumptions that underpin traditional notions of diplomacy as the collegial resolution of competing interests do not apply to totalitarian states. My time in Eritrea taught me that confrontation, and not compromise, is the best approach when dealing with these kinds of regimes.
We diplomats like to think that no problem is too big that it can’t be managed by thoughtful engagement and negotiation. Often that approach is the right one. But it won’t work with the Eritreas of the world. We need to be intellectually prepared for the coming challenges of the emerging international dynamics. When someone shows you who they are, Maya Angelou once warned, believe them the first time. As Russia’s invasion of Ukraine wakes us up to the continuing relevance of the lessons we learned during the Cold War, we would all do well to heed her advice.
Steve Walker is a former chief of mission at the U.S. embassy in Asmara, Eritrea.
Source: Totalitarianism Is Still With Us, and Still Evil - The Atlantic
ጨንፈር ስያትል ድሕሪ ቀብሪ ስዉእ ኢሳቅ ኣኼባ ኣካይዶም
ቀዳም 30 ሓምለ 2022፡ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ስያትል ንስዉእ ኢሳቅ ምስ ካብ ካልኦት ጨንፈራት ዝተሳተፉ ኣባላት ኮይኖም ብመሪር ሓዘን ድሕሪ ምቕባሮም፡ ሰንበት 31 ሓምለ 2022 ኸኣ ብሓባር ኣኼባ ኣካይዶም።
ኣኼባ ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝወረደ ከቢድ ሓዘንን፡ ንጨንፈር ኣንጸላልዩ ዘሎ ብድሆን እዩ ተኻይዱ። ኣባላት ንህልዊ ኵነታትን፡ ከመይ ገርና’ከ ንሰግሮ ዝብሉ ሓሳባት በብሓደ ገሊጾም። ድሕሪ ዓሚቝ ምይይጥ ኸኣ ኣብ ክሊ መትከል ሰልፍና ተምርኵስና ንዕቤትን ምሕያልን ሰልፍና ኣጽዒቕና ክንሰርሕ ኢና ኢሎም ብናይ ሓባር ውሳኔ ውጺኦም።
ሕድሪ ኢሳቅን ሕድሪ ኩሎም ስዉኣትን ኣብ መዓላኡ ከነብጽሖ ኢና ዝብል ተሪር መርገጽ ዝሰፈኖ ኣኼባ ነይሩ።
ዘለኣለማዊ ክብሪ ንስውኣትና
ክንዕወጥ ኢና
ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪክ
04 ነሓሰ 2022
ናይ ሓዘን መግለጺ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ
ብምኽንያት ሃንደበታዊ ዕርፍቲ ብጻይና ኢሳቕ ተስፋጋብር መዲን ዝተሰማዓና መሪር ሓዘን ንገልጽ። ብጻይና ኢሳቕ ምእንቲ ንጻነትን ሓርነትን ህዝብና ካብ ንእስነቱ ዝዓጠቐ ክሳብ ዕለት ዕርፍቱ ዘይሕለል ተቓላሳይ፡ ብጉልበቱ ይኹን ብገንዘቡ ውፉይ ኣባል ጨንፈር ስያትል ኮይኑ ንዓመታት ተቓሊሱ 18 ሓምለ 2022 ብሃንደበታዊ ሕማም ዓሪፉ።
ኣብርእሲ ኣባል ሰዲህኤ ምዃኑ ኣባል ማሕበር ምትሕግጋዝ ኤርትርውያን ስያትል ምንቅስቓሳት ንጡፍ፡ ንሃገሩን ህዝቡን ዘፍቅር፡ ብቐሊሉ ዘይትካእ ብጻይ ብምስኣና ዝስማዓና ሓዘን ዓሚቝ’ዩ።
በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ንስድራቤት ብጻይና ኢሳቕ ጽንዓት ይሃብ እናበልና፡ ናይ ሓዘኖም ተኻፈልቲ ምዃና ንገልጽ። ከም ብጾቱ ድማ ኢሳቕ ዝተቓለሰሉ ፍትሓዊ ቃልሲ ህዝብና ክሳብ ብዓወት ዝድምደም፡ ኣሰሩ ተኸቲልና ክንቃለስ ምዃና ነረጋግጸሉ።
ክንዕወት ኢና
ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ
18 ሓምለ 2022
መልእኽቲ ደገፍ ምትእስሳር ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ናብ መስራቲ ጉባኤ ማሕበር ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኤርትራ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ (እዋና)
ክቡራት ኣባላት ኣዳላዊት መስራቲ ጉባኤ እዋና
ክቡራት ኣባላት እዋና
ክቡራትን ክቡራንን ተሳተፍቲ ጉባኤ ብሓፈሻ
ሎሚ 9 ሓምለ 2022 ኣብ ኣትላንታ “ናጻ ዉደባና ውሕስነት መሰልና” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ጭርሖ ኣብ ዝካየድ ዘሎ መስራቲ ጉባኤ ንኽንሳተፍ ንዝተገብረልና ዕድመ ብልቢ ነመስግን።
ንሕና ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ዝኾነ ይኹን ፖለቲካዊ ጸጊዕነትን ተጽዕኖን ናጻ ኮይኑ ርእሱ ዝኸኣለ ንመሰልን ማዕርነትን ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ኤርትራ ዝጣበቕ ማሕበር ክህልወና መትከላዊ እምነትና እዩ። ኣብ ውሽጢ ሰልፍና ነብስና ወዲብና ምስ ካልኦት ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ሓቢርና ኣንጻር እቲ ጠንቂ ወጽዓና ዝኾነ ድሕረትን ድንቁርናን ክንቃለስ ይግባእ ካብ ዝብል ጽኑዕ እምነት ነቒልና ምምስራት እዋና ብልቢ ከምእንድግፎን ኣካሉ ኰና ንምዕዋቱ ክንጽዕር ምዃና ነረጋግጸልክን።
ልዑላዊት ሃገርና ክውንቲ ንምግባር ብደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኤርትራ ሰፍ ዘይብል ዋጋ ከምዝተኸፍለ ታሪኽ ዝምስክሮ እዩ። ይኹን’ምበር ብሰንኪ እቲ ስዒቡ ዝተኸስተ ዘስካሕክሕ ምልኪ ህዝብና ብሓፈሻ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ድማ ብፍላይ ኣደዳ ስደትን ውርደትን ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃና ብኣሕዋትና ደቂ-ተባዕትዮ ኤርትራ ግዳይ ሰብኣዊ ንግድን ንምእማኑ ዘጸግም ክሳብ ጨካን ቅትለት ዝበጽሕ ዘቤታዊ ዓመጽ ተሳጢሕና ንርከብ። ኣብ ርእሲ’ዚ ኣብ ጐረቤት ሃገር ኣብ ዝተወለዐ ዘይምልከተና ኲናት መንእሰይ ወሎዶና ተገዲዱ ብምእታው ከምዝጸንት ይግበር ኣሎ።
ኣብ ከም’ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ኣሰቃቂ ኩነታት እናሃሎና እዋና ብዕሊ ኣብ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ክምስረት ምኽኣሉ ኣብ’ቲ ድቕድቕ ጸልማት ንእሽቶ ጩራ ናይ ብርሃን ኮይኑ’ሎ።
ሃገርና ፍትሕን ሰላምን ዝሰፈና ብልዕልና ሕጊ እትምራሕ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ዘዝተወልደ ራሕሪሑዋ ዝኸይድ፡ ተሰዲዱ ዝነበረ ዝምለሳ ክትከውን ኣብ እነካይዶ ፍትሓዊ ቓልሲ፡ እዋና ተራ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ዘዕዝዝ መደባት ሓንጺጹ ብዝሑነትና ዘረጋግጽ ንጥፈታት ከካይድ ዓቢ ተስፋን እምነትን ኣሎና። ብዘይካ’ዚ ምስ ዓለምለኻዊ ማሕበራት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ዝምድናታት ብምፍጣር ድምጺ ዉጹዓት ክኸውን ትጽቢትና እዩ።
ልዕሊ ኹሉ ድማ ንቕሓትናን ንቕሓት ህዝብናን ክብ ንምባል ምስ ኩሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ጽኑዕ ዝምድናታት ምፍጣርን ጽዑቕ ወፈራ ምክያድን ቀንዲ ናይ እዋና ስራሕ ክኸውን ንላቦ።
ብዘይ ተሳትፎ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ዝዕምብብ ዲሞክራሲ የሎን!
ክብርን ሞገስን ንሰማእታትና!
ዓወት ንመስራት ጉባኤ እዋና!
ኣድያም ተፈራ
ኣባል ፈጻሚት ሽማግለ ሰዲህኤ
ሓላፊት ቤት-ጽሕፈት ጉዳት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ
9 ሓምለ 2022
ደሃይ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
መሪሕነት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ቀዳም 16 ሚያዝያ 2022 ሓፈሻዊ ናይ ኣባላት ኣኼባ ብዙም ኣካይዳ። ኣጀንዳ ኣኼባ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ኔሮም፡
1. ካብ ቤት-ጽሕፈት ኣቦ-መንበር ዝቐረበ ዝርዝር ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ምክትታል
2. ብዞባ ሽማግለ ዝቐረበ ንጥፈታት ዞባ ምርኣይ
3. ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ንምሕያልን መደባት ሰልፊ ናብ ተግባር ንምቕያርን ከም ወትሩ ወፈያታት ምብርካት
4. ጽፈት ኣሰራርሓ ዞባ ንምርግጋጽ ዝሕግዙ ዉሽጣዊ መምርሒታት ምሃብ
ኣኼባ ናይ ኣጀንዳ ነጥብታት ሓደ ብሓደ ብህድኣት ድሕሪ ምምይያጥ ተደምዲሙ።
ከም ወትሩ ሞራል ኣባላት ሓፍ ዘብል ህዱእን ምክብባር ዝመልኦ ኣኼባ ኔሩ።
ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ።
የቐንየልና።
ክንዕወት ኢና!
ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
04-18-2022
ደሃይ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
መሪሕነት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ቀዳም 16 ሚያዝያ 2022 ሓፈሻዊ ናይ ኣባላት ኣኼባ ብዙም ኣካይዳ። ኣጀንዳ ኣኼባ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ኔሮም፡
1. ካብ ቤት-ጽሕፈት ኣቦ-መንበር ዝቐረበ ዝርዝር ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ምክትታል
2. ብዞባ ሽማግለ ዝቐረበ ንጥፈታት ዞባ ምርኣይ
3. ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ንምሕያልን መደባት ሰልፊ ናብ ተግባር ንምቕያርን ከም ወትሩ ወፈያታት ምብርካት
4. ጽፈት ኣሰራርሓ ዞባ ንምርግጋጽ ዝሕግዙ ዉሽጣዊ መምርሒታት ምሃብ
ኣኼባ ናይ ኣጀንዳ ነጥብታት ሓደ ብሓደ ብህድኣት ድሕሪ ምምይያጥ ተደምዲሙ።
ከም ወትሩ ሞራል ኣባላት ሓፍ ዘብል ህዱእን ምክብባር ዝመልኦ ኣኼባ ኔሩ።
ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ።
የቐንየልና።
ክንዕወት ኢና!
ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
04-18-2022
