JULY 29, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

Eritreans are demonstrating outside the UNHCR offices in Bole, Addis Ababa.  They are appealing to the UN to act to protect Eritrean refugees in camps in Mai Aini and Adi Harush. They say the area is a war zone and calls on the UN to evacuate them.
There are also appeals for the UNHCR to extend its protection and services to Eritreans currently in Addis Ababa and other camps.
They are calling for:
1) Relocation of the refugees from the war zone
2) Provide basic support like shelter, food, medications, blankets to the displaced
3) Give ID cards and proof of refugee registration to those who lost it during conflict
4) Bring to justice perpetrators of human rights violations in the Eritrean camps and their surroundings.
Thursday, 29 July 2021 22:03

Open Letter: Eritrean refugees in Tigray

Written by

Eritrea Focus                                                                                   

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Website: www.eritrea-focus.org                                                                                                

29 June 2021

Eritrea Focus is deeply concerned about the plight of Eritrean refugees caught up in the war in Tigray. Eritrea Focus stood by the Tigrayan people in their hour of need. We support their struggle against attempts to crush them by the Ethiopian and the Eritrean governments, backed by ethnic militia and Somali troops. That support will continue. But we cannot remain silent while Eritrean refugees are being attacked and we call on the Tigrayan Government and the Tigray Defence Forces to do all they can to honour their commitments to ensure their safety and security.

We know that at the start of the conflict in November 2020 nearly 100,000 were being cared for in four camps, under the auspices of the UN refugee agency – the UNHCR. We are immensely grateful to the people of Tigray for the hospitality and welcome they extended to them, but today these men, women and children are suffering the most appalling fate.

The two northern camps (Hitsats and Shimelba) were overrun by Eritrean and Ethiopian forces early in the war. Some refugees managed to escape to Addis Ababa or flee to other parts of Ethiopia. Even here they suffered terribly from persecution, isolation and having to fend for themselves. But those who could not escape suffered the worst fate. Some were killed, while others were conscripted into the Eritrean army or forcibly returned to an unknown fate in Eritrea.

The plight of refugees in the two southern camps (Adi Harush and Mai Ayni) are our present concern. This was underlined by Tuesday’s statement by the US State Department, which we carry in full below.[1]

The State Department spokesman said:

“we are deeply concerned about credible reports of attacks by military forces affiliated with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and Tigrayan militias against Eritrean refugees in the Tigray region, particularly reports of violence in refugee camps.

We call on all armed actors in Tigray to stop attacks and intimidation against Eritrean refugees and all refugees, asylum seekers and people displaced by the ongoing violence, as well as against the aid workers attempting to respond to the humanitarian disaster more broadly.

This is not the first time Eritrean populations have been targeted in Tigray. In January, credible reports indicated that Eritrean refugees suffered killings, targeted abductions, and forced returns to Eritrea at the hands of Eritrean forces.

We call on all parties to adhere strictly to their obligations under international humanitarian law, and for those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law and human rights abuses to be held accountable through independent and transparent international processes.”

We are not aware of the information upon which this statement was made, but we endorse the sentiments expressed by the State Department. Indeed, we are hugely grateful to the State Department for all their efforts in this endeavour.

We do not know whether these acts were carried out by groups affiliated to the Tigrayan authorities or were the acts of individuals or individual commanders. We have even heard reports that they were the work of “shiftas” or bandits.

The elected Government of Tigray and the Tigray Defence Forces control the area in which the camps are situated and must take responsibility for the safety of the refugees. To this end, we call on the Government in Mekelle to prevent any further attacks of this kind and that they work with the relevant UN bodies, including the UNHCR, to ensure that Eritrean refugees can live in safety in areas under their control.

We must remember the Tigrayan and Eritrean peoples are suffering under common enemies and it is important we stand together.

Habte Hagos, chair, Eritrea Focus

—————————— ENDS ————————–

[1] https://www.state.gov/briefings/department-press-briefing-july-27-2021/

Thursday, 29 July 2021 21:37

Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 29.07.2021

Written by

ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣሜሪካ፡ ኣብ ትግራይ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝፍጸም ዘሎ መጥቃዕቲ ከም ዘሻቐላ ብምጥቃስ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊኦም  ዝፍጸም መጥቃዕትን ምፍራራሕን ደው ክብል ጸዊዓ። ወሃቢት ቃል ሚኒሰትሪ ጉዳያት ወጻኢ ኣሜሪካ ጁሊና ኣብ ዝሃበኦ ሓበሬታ፡ "ምስ ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ ዝምድና ዘለዎም ወተሃደራዊ ሓይልታትን ምልሻን ኣብ ልዕሊ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ብዝፈጸምዎ መጥቃዕቲ ኣዚና ኢና ተሻቒልና ከም ዝበላ ማዕከን ዜና ቢቢሲ ኣፍሊጡ።

እተን ወሃቢት ቃል ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ጥሪ 2021 ብወተሃደራት ኤርትራ ቅትለት፡ ጭውያን ኣገዲድካ ናብ ዓዶም ምምላስን ከም ዘጋጠሞም ጠቒሰን፡ ኣብ መጻኢ ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ካብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ተግባር ክእደቡ ጸዊዐን። ወሃብ ቃል ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት፡ ባባር ባሎች ብወገኖም፡ ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኣብቲ መደበራት ሓደ ስደተኛ ከም ዝተቐትለን፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ እቶም ስደተኛታት ብሕጽረት ጽሩይ ማይን ካልእ ከም መግብን መድሃኒትን ዝኣመሰለ መሰረታዊ ቀረባትን ይጽገሙ ከም ዘለዉ ሓቢሮም። ኣተሓሒዞም ከኣ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ብዛዕባቶም ኣብ መደበራት ማይዓይንን ዓዲ ሓርሽን ዘለዉ ስደተኛታት ደሃይ ካብ ዝረክብ ሳምንታት ከም ዝሓለፈ ሓቢሮም። እቶም ኣብተን መዓስከራት ዝርከቡ ኣስታት 24 ሽሕ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ወርሓዊ ዝወሃቦም ናይ መግቢ ሓገዝ ካብ ዝቕበሉ ሓደ ወርሒ ስለ ዝኾነ ሓደጋ ጥሜት ኣጋጢምዎም ከም ዘሎ ባባር ባሎች ጠቒሶም።

ምስቲ ኣብቲ ከባቢ ውግኣት ምቕጻሉ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ዝለዓለ ሻቕሎት ሓዲርዎ ኣሎ። እቲ ዜና ኣብቲ ከባቢ ውግእ ዘስዓቦ ምፍርራሕን ክትራንን ከም ዘጋጥም’ውን ጠቒሱ። መራሕቲ ሓይልታት ትግራይ ብወገኖም ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ተፈጺሙ ዝተባህለ ምምዝባልን ካልእ በደላትን ከም ዘሻቕሎም ጠቒሶም፡ ብዛዕባ ናይቲ ተግባር ፈጸምቲ ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ብዝመርሖ ናጻ ኣካል ምጽራይ ንክግበር ጸዊዖም ነይሮም።

ብኻልእ ወገን ከኣ ብሰንኪ እቲ ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልትታት ኣብ ክልል ዓፋር ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸሩ ሰባት ክመዛበሉ እንከለው፡ ኣብቲ ክልል ኣብ መደበራት ዝነበሩ ኣስታት 55 ሺሕ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ድማ ኣብ ኣሻቓሊ ኩነታት ወዲቖም ከም ዘለዉ እቶም ወሃቢ ቃል ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ሓቢሮም።

JULY 28, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

The Nobel Committee leader Berit Reiss-Andersen (left) and Deputy Henrik Syse (right) applaud the Prime Minister of Ethiopia after the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize on 10 December 2019. Photo: Fredrik Varfjell / AFP / NTB

Source: Bistands

[Note: Computer translation]

OPINIONS: I understand that the Nobel Foundation has never before withdrawn a prize it has awarded. But it is always a first time with everything, writes the article author who is a former ambassador for Eritrea to the Scandinavian countries. She is shocked by Prime Minister and Peace Prize winner Abyi Ahmed’s handling of the brutal war in the Tigray region.

When Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 2019, my first question was: How does the Nobel Committee decide who will receive the prize each year?

After some research, I learned that Alfred Nobel in his will had decided that the return on his fortune should be divided equally among five prizes.

One of the five prizes was to go to “… the one who has worked most or best for the fraternization of the peoples and the abolition or reduction of standing armies as well as the formation and dissemination of peace congresses.”

The question then is: Why was Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed awarded the Nobel Peace Prize – without having a track record of contributing to peace in Ethiopia or the region?

Boasted of the old regime

During Abyi Ahmed’s inauguration ceremony on April 2, 2018, he concluded as follows: “I thank you with the utmost respect and love for my organization, the EPRDF (the former four-party governing coalition, editor’s note), and my people who elected me and gave me the responsibility to lead. ”

A little later, in his speech in Mekele on April 13, 2018, he praised Tigray, the Tigray People and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). He said that Tigray is the cradle of Ethiopian civilization, the source of Ethiopian identity and the roots of philosophers such as Yared and Zerayacob.

He listed the names of ten TPLF martyrs, among them Meles Zenawi (former president 1991-95 and prime minister 1995-2012, editor’s note), and said many thousands of others could also be praised for his admirable courage and said they had paid for it. highest award for justice, equality and development in Ethiopia.

But within a few months of Abyi coming to power, there were clear signals about who he really was. He gradually began to paint a picture of the 27 years of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in power as 27 years of darkness and oppression.

This happened despite the fact that Abyi himself had been part of the military establishment, the security apparatus and the EPRDF’s coalition government. He served in the military with the rank of lieutenant colonel, he was appointed head of the Information Network Security Agency in 2007, the Ethiopian government’s organization for electronic surveillance and cyber security.

Abyi was elected as a representative to the Federal National Assembly as a member of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), which was part of the EPRDF’s governing coalition. Abiy was appointed Minister of Science and Technology in the Federal Government, but left the post to serve as Vice President of the Oromia Regional Government. In 2017, Abiy was elected head of the secretariat of the OPDO party.

Cannot be released from liability

With all this as a background, I believe he can not be absolved of responsibility for mistakes made by the EPRDF, because he himself was part of the governing coalition, and not least he was among the leaders of the apparatus that monitored the Ethiopian people.

One of the most important peace steps taken by Prime Minister Abiy was the peace agreement with Eritrea. But the so-called peace agreement was never made public, neither for the peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea nor for the rest of the world. Today, it can be stated that the agreement was a war pact rather than a peace agreement.

Now Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the Peace Prize winner, along with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, appear as leaders responsible for barbaric atrocities and crimes against humanity committed in the Tigray region of Ethiopia. Abiy and the Eritrean despot have waged a genocidal war against the people of Tigray, which they planned together to create as much suffering as possible and destroy food supplies, infrastructure, financial institutions, communications, transport and cultural heritage.

Two leaders, both with big dreams

Both Abiy and Isaiah both have imperial dreams: Abiy strives to establish a unitary state, as opposed to a federal state, and to become king of Ethiopia, as he has repeatedly stated,  and Isaiah has always had ambitions to dominate the region.

Both Abiy and Isaias know that they can only achieve this if the leadership of Tigray’s regional government is removed and Tigray’s people are crushed economically, psychologically, historically and culturally. Abiy, Isaias and their supporters want to completely obliterate the Tigray people from the map of Ethiopia, if they can. Abiy has managed to destroy a people in just 8 months. Isaias has achieved something similar in 30 years in Eritrea.

The methods they have used have been the same: total blackout, economic stagnation, hunger as a weapon in war, imprisonment, extrajudicial killings, rape, destruction of culture, social network and identity. At the same time, humanitarian aid is being deliberately hindered.

It is sad that the late reaction of the international community allows Abiy and Isaiah to continue their planned genocide. The world will one day wake up to a terrible tragedy.

The capital must be destroyed

Today, as I write this open letter, perhaps the brutal atrocities and crimes against humanity have subsided somewhat, since the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) have recaptured most of the Tigray region. But the situation is still very unstable.

The Ethiopian government has declared a unilateral ceasefire, allegedly for humanitarian reasons. But they have dismantled UNICEF’s satellite communications equipment and confiscated internet equipment from several UN agencies on their way out, to hamper humanitarian work.

Earlier, Abiy praised Tigray as the cradle of Ethiopian civilization, but at a press conference in Addis Ababa on June 29 this year, the same Abiy boasted that he would reduce the regional capital of Mekele from a powerhouse to the same status as the small village of Beshasha, Abiy Ahmed’s birthplace in Oromia region.

Promises to fight back hard

Contrary to the declaration of unilateral ceasefire, Abiy Ahmed warned on Wednesday, July 14, that his forces will strike back hard at his enemies. According to local and state media, reinforcements are now being mobilized in Oromia, Sidama and other regions, which could lead to more bloodshed.

The Eritrean forces have withdrawn to areas near the border with Eritrea, but continue to forcibly recruit Eritreans in Eritrea, including child soldiers as young as 15 and 16, and send them to war without proper training.

The Nobel Committee  was obviously in good faith when it awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, because they thought he was contributing to peace in Eritrea and Ethiopia, and perhaps also in the region. But the question that then arises is why the Nobel Committee does not have the opportunity to reconsider its decision – and consider withdrawing the award to Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed? Does not this special award help to tarnish the reputation of the Peace Prize?

I understand that the Nobel Foundation has never before withdrawn a prize it has awarded, and that there is no mechanism for making such a decision.  But it is always a first time with everything, and mechanisms can be created.

If the Nobel Institutions think it is completely impossible to withdraw the award, then they can at least publicly condemn the horrific, brutal atrocities and crimes against humanity that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has committed against Tigray’s innocent people and against Eritrean refugees in Tigray.

Brings shame over the Peace Prize

The Nobel Peace Center’s Peace Prize exhibition for 2020 was about this year’s peace prize winner; The UN Food Program, as well as a digital exhibition on how food and hunger are used as a means of power in wars and conflicts.

In an exhibition on how food is used as a weapon in earlier times of war, how can the Nobel Center remain silent about the simultaneous use of food as a weapon in the Tigray region of Ethiopia? (By an irony of fate, the photo artist behind important parts of the exhibition is Ethiopian Aïda Mulluneh, and the exhibition opened on December 10, at the same time as the war raged in the Tigray region and where food was used as a weapon.)

That the Nobel Peace Prize should remain in the possession of a genocide is an ugly stain on the history of the Peace Prize. I would add that it is a shame for such a highly regarded award to have to honor someone responsible for genocide.

As a former ambassador for Eritrea to the Scandinavian countries and an admirer of Scandinavian social democracy, I appeal to the Norwegian Nobel Committee to consider withdrawing the peace prize awarded to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, even though the award was made in good faith and to encourage a young leader.

Today it is very clear that he is a war criminal, blinded by imperial ambitions, and he has not earned the award. I would also like to emphasize the fact that he is in the process of tearing apart the Ethiopia that has historically been an ally with Scandinavia, and especially with Sweden, the country of origin of the Peace Prize.

I myself may be a little fluffy in world politics, but I feel a strong obligation as a world citizen to promote this appeal and make you, and the people in general, aware of the crimes a Peace Prize winner commits against the innocent people of Tigray and Eritrean refugees in Tigray.

 Opinion

The peace agreement was never announced, neither for the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea nor for the rest of the world. Today, it can be stated that the agreement was a war pact rather than a peace agreement.

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

“ኤርትራ፡ ብህዝባ፡ ካብ ህዝባን ንህዝባን” ናይ ነዊሕ ግዜ ናይ ሓባር ጭረሖና እዩ። ነዚ ከነተግብር ብዙሕነትና ዓቂብና ሓድነትና ከነሕይልን ዘይኤርትራዊ ኣብ ጉዳይና ክኣትወሉ ዝኽእል ሃጓፋት ክንመልእን ናይ ግድን እዩ። እዚ እቲ ክኸውን ዝነበሮን ዘለዎን ክነሱ ብግብሪ ግና ከም ዘይበቓዕናዮ ታሪኽና ኮነ ህልዊ ኩነታትና ዝምስክሮ እዩ። ኣብ 50ታትን 80ታትን ዝተራእየ ኣተሓሳስባታትን ዝተወስደ ኣገባብ ኣፈታትሓ ሃገራዊ ጉዳይናን ዝጥቀሱ ኣብነታት ኢዮም። እዞም ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልያት ብቀጻሊ ኣብ መስርሕ ህንጸት ሃገርና ሓንኮልቲ ኮይኖምና ከምዘለዉ ምግንዛቡ ዝከኣል እዩ።

ኤርትራ ናብቲ ክውገድ ዝግብኦ ዝነበረ ዓዘቕቲ መሊሳ ክትሽመም ዝገበረ ህልዊ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ እዩ። ኣብ እዋን ገድሊ ምስ ጓና ሓይሊ ተሻሪኹ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ሓይልና ከም ዝደምሰሰ፡ ሎሚ’ውን ጸረ ሃገራውን ህዝባውን ኣጀንድኡ ንምትግባር፡ ምስ ክሳብ ሎሚ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዘይተዋሓጠሎም ሓይልታት ኢትዮጵያ ተላፊኑ፡ ንሓደጋ የቃልዓና’ሎ። ነዚ ኢስያስ ዘምጸኦ ዘሎ ሓደጋታት ንምዕጻፍ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኢድ ካለኦት ከይተጸበየ ኣብ ገዛእ ርእሱ ተኣማሚኑ ክቃለሶ ግድን’ዩ። ሎሚ’ውን  መርሆ ሓድነት ዘይክተል ምስቲ ናይ ቀደም ብዝመሳሰል ምክፍፋል፡ ኣብ ናትካ ሓይሊ ምትእምማን ገዲፍካ  ኣብ ናይ ግዳም ሓይሊ ምምርኳስ ውሕስነት ዓወት ዘረጋግጽ ኣይኮነን።

እቲ ምክፍፋልናን ዘይምትእምማናን ዓቕምና በታቲኑ ዘዳኽመና ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ ሃገርና ረብሓ ሃገሮም ንከቀድሙ ዝደልዩ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ኢዶም ከእትዉ ኣፍደገ ዝኸፍት ምንባሩን ምዃኑን ካብ ተመኩሮና እንዝክሮ ዝዓበየ ሰግኣት እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ናትና ብሓባር ናይ ዘይምቅላስ ድኽመት ኣቐሚጥና ምስቶም ኣብ ሕድሕድና ብዝፈጠርናዮ ዘይምትእምማን ኣብ ጉዳይና ዝኣትዉ ምርጋምን ምስጋእን ከምቲ “ወደን ከይሓምያስ ሰበይቲ ወደን” ዝበሃል’ዩ ዝኸውን። ኣብ ናይ 50ታት ተመኩሮና እቲ ዘይምስማርና ከይኣክል ከከም ዝንባለና ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገርና ምስ ናይ ርሑቕን ጐረባብትን ሓይልታት ምጽጋዕ ከም ሓደ ኣሉታውን ክድገም ዘየብሉን ተመኩሮ ክንወስዶ ዝግበኣና እዩ።

ናይ ርሑቕ ይኹኑ ናይ ቀረባ ሓይልታት ኣብ ሃገርና ድሌት ክሓድሮም እንከሎ፡ ድሌቶም ንምዕዋት ካብ ዝጥቀምሉ ቀንዲ መንገዲ ኣብ ሕድሕድና ከምዘይንተኣማመን ምግባር እዩ። ነቲ ባልዕና ዝጀመርናዮ ምርሕሓቕ መሰረቱ እንታይ ምዃኑ ብዘየገድስ ከጋድድዎን፡ ብዝተፈላለዩ መተዓሻሸዊ መብጸዓታት ከሰንይዎ ድማ ናይ ግድን ነይሩ። እዚ ምትዕሽሻው ሎሚ እውን ብረቂቕ ሜላ ኣይክህሉን ምባል የጸግም።  እቲ ቀንዲ ስግኣት ግና ናታቶም ኢድ ኣእታውነት ዘይኮነ፡ ናትና ኣብ ገዛእ ርእስ ብዘይምትእምማን ነቲ  “ኤርትራ፡ ብህዝባ፡ ካብ ህዝባን ንህዝባን” ዝብል መሰረታዊ ጭረሖና ስለ ዘይበቓዕናዮን ባዕልና ነቓዓት ምፍጣርናን እዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ስግኣት ንሕና እቶም ናይ ምክፍፋል ኣፍደገ እንኸፍት እምበር እቶም በቲ ንሕና ዝኸፈትናዮ ዝኣተዉ ዘረግቲ ኣይኮኑን። ጎረቤት ሃገር ኣብ ጎረቤቱ ብዛዕባ ክኾነሉ ዝደልዮ ክሓስብ የብሉን ዝበሃል ኣይኮነን። ንሕና ውን ጎረባብትና ከምቲ እንደልዮ ክኾነልና ኢና እንሓስብን እንምነን። እዚ ግን ብዋጋ ናይቲ ካልእ ኣካል ረብሓ ዝረጋገጽ ኣይኮነን።

ኣብቲ ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮና ከም ዝረኣናዮ ኣብ ጉዳይና ብሓባር ናይ ምስላፍ ብቕዓትና እንዳተዳኸመ፡  ምትእምማና  ምስ ነከየ፡ ናይ ጐረቤትና ድሌት ግብራዊ  ናይ ምዃን ዕድል ረኺቡ፡ ብፖለቲካውን ሕጋውን ኣገባብ ናጽናትና ናይ ምጭባጥ ዕድልና መኺኑ። እንተኾነ ናጻን ልኡላዊትን ሃገር ናይ ምውናን መሰልና ሸለል ኢልካ ዘይሕለፍ ስለ ዝነበረ ኤርትራውያን በቲ  ዝበልሐ ኣገባብ ሃገርና ናጻ ከነውጽእ ቅድሚ 60 ዓመታት ኣብ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣተና። እዚ ምዕራፍ ቃልሲዚ እውን ነቲ “ኤርትራ፡ ብህዝባ፡ ካብ ህዝባን ንህዝባን” ዝብል ጭረሖ ዓቲሩ ዝተንሰአ ነይሩ። ብዝምድናዊ ኣረዳድኣ ብዝሓሸ ሓድነትን ምትእምማንን ምስ ብዙሕ ሓጐጽጐጽን ላዕልን ታሕትን ነዚ መሰረታዊ ጭረሖ ደሓን ግምት ስለ ዝሃብናዮ ኤርትራ ናጻን ልኡላዊትን ሃገር ኮይና።

ሎሚ ድማ ንናጻ ኤርትራ ካብ ጸልማት ኣውጺእና ዲሞክራስያዊ ግምጃ ንምልባሳ ኣብ መስመር ቃልሲ ኣለና። እቶም ብሰንኪ ፍልልያትና ኣከኣኢልና ብዓንተቡኡ ብሓባር “ንናጽነት መተካእታ የብሉን”   ብዘይምባልና ነዊሕ ግዜ ኣብ ቃልሲ ክንጸንሕን ኣዝዩ ክቡር ዋጋ ክንከፍልን ዝተገደድና ኤርትራውያን ሎሚ’ውን ኣብቲ ናይ ቀደም ዘለና ንመስል። እቶም ካብ ሽዑ ኣብ ጉዳይና ዓይኖም ዝተኸሉ ሎሚ እውን ትሕዝቶ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣገባብ ቀይሮም ኣብ ቦታኦም ኣለዉ። እዚ እዩ ከኣ “ታሪኽሲ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ይደግም ኣሎ ማለት ድዩ?” ዘብለና።

ጉዳይና ከነልዕል እንከለና ተነጺልካ ስለ ዘይንበር ጉዳይ ጐረባብትና ከነልዕል ንቡር እዩ። እዚ ብመንጽርቲ “እንተ ክትድቅስ ጐረቤትካ ይደቅስ” ዝብሃል ክረአ እንከሎ ሰላሞም ንሰላምና ስለ ዝጸልዎ ንጐረባብትና ሕማቕ ኣይንምነየሎምን። ብፍላይ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብዛዕባ ንትግራይን ኣጋጢምዋ ዘሎ ጸገማትን ከየልዓልና ዘይንውዕል፡ ብህግደፍ ዝምራሕ ኤርትራዊ ኣብቲ ጉዳይ ኣትዩ ብምህላዉ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ንሕና ጸላኢና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ዝኣተዎ ኣቲና፡ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ክፍጽሞ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ግፍዓዊ ተግባራቱ እናተኸታተልና ከነውግዞ ስለ ዝግበኣና እዩ። ነቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንከነውግዝ እንብሎ ከም ንትግራይ ምደጋፍና ጥራይ ገይሮም ዝወስድዎ ይህልዉ። በዚ መልክዕ እንተሒዝናዮ እውን ንትግራይ ብርትዓዊ መንገዲ ምድጋፍ ነውሪ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ካልእ ብዛዕባ ጉዳይ ትግራይ ክንዛረብ እንግደደሉ ምኽንያት እቲ ሎሚ ህግደፍ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ በደል ኣብ ዝምድና ናይቲ ስርዓታት እንተሓለፉ እውን ዘይሓልፍ   ህዝብታት ኤርትራን ትግራይን ከሕድሮ ዝኽእል ኣሉታ ስለ ዘተሓሳስበና ኢና። ምናልባት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ጉዳይ ትግራይ ኢዱ እንተዘየእቱ ከምቲ ብዛዕባ ሱዳን፡ ጅቡቲ፡ ግብጺ………ወዘተ ብዙሕ ዘይንዛረብ ብዛዕባ ትግራይ’ውን ኣይምተዛረብናን።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብመስረት እቲ “ኤርትራ፡ ብህዝባ፡ ካብ ህዝባን ንህዝባን” ዝብል ሓሳብ፡ ጉዳይና ባዕልና እምበር ካልእ ኣይእተወና ዝብል የሰማምዓና እዩ። እዚ ኣበሃህላ ንምትሕግጋዝን ምድግጋፍን ዝዕንቅጽ ከምዘይኮነ እንርዱኦ እዩ። እቲ ከምቲ “ዝሃበሲ ይልእኽ”  ዝበሃል፡ ሎሚ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከዋድቐኩም ዝብሉ ኣካላት “ናይ ጽባሕ ስግኣት ከይኮኑ” ዝብል ፍርሒ ከም ዘለዎ ንሓዞ። እቲ ቀንዲ ጠንቂ  ስግኣት ግና ንሕና ብሓባር ክንቃለስ ዘይምኽኣልና ምዃኑ ኣይንረስዕ። ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ተመኩሮና እውን ነዚ ዘመልክት እዩ። ኩልና ከም እንዝክሮ ኣብ 50ታት ኣብ ኤርትራ “ኢትዮጵያ ወይ ሞት” ዝጭርሑ ኤርትራውያን ነይሮም’ዮም። እቲ ናይ ብሓቂ ስግኣት ዝኾነ ከኣ እዚኣቶም እምበር፡ እቲ ንሳቶም ብዝኸፈትዎ ኣፍደገ ዝኣተወ ናይ ደገ ሓይሊ ኣይነበረን። ስለዚ ሎሚ እውን ሕራይ በቲ  ብጉርሒ ድዩ ብስምዒት በብኩርናዑ ዝቀላቐል ዘይቅዱስ ንኤርትራ ናይ ምዕምጣር ጭረሖታትሲ ንስጋእ። እቲ ዝያዳ ክንሰግኦ ዝግበና ግና እቲ ናትና ብሓባር ዘይምስጓም ምዃኑ ከይዘንጋዕና፡ ከነእርሞ ክንለዓል ደጊምና ነዘኻኽር።

Tuesday, 27 July 2021 22:21

Eritrean refugees in Tigray caught up in conflict

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27 Jul 2021
 
Originally published
27 Jul 2021
 
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This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Babar Baloch – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at today's press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is extremely worried about the fate of thousands of Eritrean refugees currently trapped in two refugee camps in Ethiopia's Tigray region as fighting between armed groups escalates in and around the camps.

An estimated 24,000 Eritrean refugees in Mai Aini and Adi Harush camps in Tigray's Mai Tsebri area are facing intimidation and harassment and living in constant anguish, cut off from humanitarian assistance.

We have received disturbing and credible reports in recent days from Mai Aini camp that at least one refugee was killed by armed elements operating inside the camp. This latest death is in addition to the killing of another refugee on 14 July.

UNHCR implores all parties to the conflict to uphold their obligations under international law, including respecting the civilian character of refugee camps, and the rights of refugees and all civilians to be protected from hostilities.

Our staff have lost all access to the refugee camps for the last two weeks. Trapped refugees need urgent life-saving assistance. Clean drinking water is running out, no healthcare services are available and hunger is a real danger. The last food distribution to both camps was done in late June, providing rations for one month.

Recent armed clashes have also displaced thousands of people in the Afar region that neighbours Tigray to the east and where an additional 55,000 Eritrean refugees are hosted. There are reports of armed confrontations close to the locations where they live.

Meanwhile, the main humanitarian supply road between Semera in Afar and Mekelle in Tigray has been completely blocked since 18 July. UNHCR supplies, like those of other agencies, are stranded in Semera.

UNHCR urges all parties to the conflict to give immediate humanitarian access and safety for aid workers attempting to provide life-saving assistance.

For more information on this topic, please contact:\ In Addis, Neven Crvenkovic, This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it., +251 948 053 450\ In Nairobi, Dana Hughes, This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it., +254 733 450536\ In Geneva, Babar Baloch, This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it., +41 79 513 9549

An internally displaced Ethiopian girl walks back to her village Sariir in Somali Region, Ethiopia January 13, 2020. REUTERS/Giulia Paravicini

  • Ethiopia's Somali region official says "hundreds" dead
  • U.N. reports fighting in area with unknown number injured
  • Government struggling to contain regional flare ups
  • More Ethiopians flee to Sudan amid fresh violence

ADDIS ABABA, July 27 (Reuters) - The local government in Ethiopia's Somali region said on Tuesday militia from the neighbouring region of Afar had attacked and looted a town, the latest flare-up in a local boundary dispute that adds to broader tensions in the Horn of Africa nation.

Ali Bedel, spokesperson for the Somali region government, said Afar militia "massacred hundreds of civilians" on Saturday in Gedamaytu, also known as Gabraiisa, a town at the centre of long-running regional boundary dispute in northeast Ethiopia.

Afar's government did not immediately respond to requests for comment. However, an internal U.N. report seen by Reuters said there was fighting in Gedamaytu with an unknown number of injured on both sides.

Ethiopia has been trying to contain a surge in violence as regions and ethnic groups vie for power and resources. The worst violence, unrelated to the latest flare-up, has been around Tigray in the north, where a conflict erupted in late 2020.

Two senior Somali government officials gave similar accounts, with one saying there were hundreds of injured.

The internal U.N. security bulletin said on Monday there was "ongoing fighting" between Afaris and Somalis in Gedamaytu with an "unknown number of injuries" on both sides.

The Somali spokesperson said that after the attack "angry youths" had blocked a main road in the Afar area on Sunday and Monday that connects Addis Ababa, the capital of landlocked Ethiopia, and the sea port in next door Djibouti.

"The government are trying to calm down the situation," he said, without giving further details.

NEW RECRUITS

In Addis Ababa on Tuesday, thousands of new recruits to Ethiopia's federal army paraded before leaving for training camps, after Tigrayan forces advanced over the weekend into Amhara, a northwestern region that lies between Tigray and the capital further south.

In a fresh sign of the humanitarian crisis unfolding in Ethiopia as violence spirals, the U.N. refugee agency UNHCR said on Tuesday it was concerned about 24,000 Eritrean refugees in two camps in the Tigray region, saying they were cut off from aid and could run out of food and drinking water. read more

In addition, about 3,000 Ethiopians from Amhara crossed into Ethiopia's neighbour Sudan on Monday, Sudan's state-run SUNA news agency reported, saying it was the highest since fighting erupted in November between Tigray's ruling party and Ethiopia's government.

SUNA said those who crossed were from the Kimant, a minority group in the Amhara region.

Kefale Mamo, a representative of the Kimant Committee, which campaigns for Kimant self-determination in the nation made up multiple ethnic groups, told Reuters he had received reports of fighting between Ethiopian forces and Kimant farmers.

He said many homes were destroyed and cars stolen but said he could not give any casualty figures or details because communications in the area of fighting were down.

A spokesperson for the Amhara region referred queries to the federal government. Ethiopian government officials and the country's military did not immediately respond to Reuters requests for comment.

AGiulia Paravicini reported from Olbia, Italy; Writing by Maggie Fick; Editing by Jon Boyle and Edmund Blair

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

Source=Ethiopia's Somali region says town attacked, amid new local flare ups | Reuters

JULY 27, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: RFI

Published on : 26/07/2021 – 9:06 PM

Soldiers of the Tigray Rebel Forces in Mekele. (Photo Illustration).
Soldiers of the Tigray Rebel Forces in Mekele. (Photo Illustration). AFP – YASUYOSHI CHIBA

The Ethiopian army is now “out of action”. That’s the opinion of Matt Bryden, director of Sahan Research and former UN investigator, who adds that the current situation of the federal government is “rather desperate”. For him, the Tigrayan rebellion took advantage both of the poor command of the federal forces “purged of its Tigrayan officers before the start of the war”, but also of the equipment which fell into its hands during its push on Mekele.

The Ethiopian federal government has called on the regions to help, in the face of the surge from the Tigrayian forces fighting it. Oromo, Amhara and Afar civilians have been called upon in recent days to defend Ethiopia with arms in hand. This mobilization according to ethnicity raises fears of an even more violent turn in the war and, according to observers, also reveals that the federal forces are no longer able to fight on their own.

The same goes for William Davison, of the International Crisis Group. For him, the general mobilization of the Oromos, Amharas and Afars is explained by “the military necessity ” and “the urgency of unity ” of Ethiopia in the face of its losses. “The last advantage that Addis Ababa can oppose is the number of soldiers potentially recruited “, he explains “but it is to be feared that this will only result in more deaths and increased ethnic polarization “, he concludes.

► To read also:  Tigray: the Amhara population is mobilizing against the rebel offensive

Militarily, the goal for the government is now to protect the strategic Djibouti-Addis highway, say the two analysts. Its capture by the Tigrayans “would change everything “, according to Matt Bryden. But for William Davison, it is difficult to see how “less trained and less armed ” militiamen  could turn the situation in favor of Abiy Ahmed, after the Tigrayan forces resisted the combined effort of Ethiopia and Eritrea to undo them.

JULY 26, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

“Is the African Union going to sit and watch its mother nation destroy herself?”

Source: Ethiopia Insight

25 July, 2021

The AU must unshackle itself from history to broker a ceasefire and mediate a peace talk.

The war in the Tigray region of Ethiopia has entered its second phase. The first saw an attempt to eliminate the TPLF-led Tigrayan forces by the sheer might of the Ethiopian and Eritrean national armies.

That had succeeded to some extent in crippling the Tigrayan forces. But, after eight months of chaos, it turned out to be a bungled operation, ending with the national armies of the two countries on the back foot.

The Tigrayan forces are now back in control of the capital Mekelle and much of the region’s territory.

The second phase of the war is predicted to be deadlier as the bone of contention is now land—vast swathes of it. The Amharas, aided by regional special forces from the rest of Ethiopia, want to hold on to their recent annexation of western and southern Tigray, which they claim are areas TPLF took from them by force. The Tigrayans want the land back under their control.

We are witnessing an ethnically charged confrontation with consequences no observer wants even to imagine—a carnage.

In his recent speech to Parliament, Prime Minister Abiy said his government could assemble 100,000 special forces in no time. He then added, they could even recruit one million young men who are ready to fight.

The same rhetoric is heard from the Tigrayan side—that the people have risen and taken up arms, from young and old to militias and university professors.

This is on top of an already dire situation. For instance, UNOCHA reports that 5.2 million people in Tigray need humanitarian assistance. About 400,000 of them have “crossed the threshold into famine”. UNICEF says 33,000 children are at imminent risk of death from starvation.

Why can’t the African Union put a stop to this war and save lives?

Before answering that question, we must first give credit to the organization. The Chairperson at the time, Cyril Ramaphosa, appointed former presidents Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia, and Kgalema Motlanthe of South Africa as special envoys to seek a ceasefire and start mediation talks.

Unfortunately, the Ethiopian government rebuffed the AU’s effort, confident that its forces were marching to Mekelle to oust the Tigrayan forces.

Since November 2020, however, the AU sent no envoy, nor it offered any peace proposal. This contrasts with the efforts of the United States and the European Union, who sent a series of envoys to secure a cessation of hostilities and bring the warring sides to the table.

There are at least three reasons that explain why the AU has given up on resolving Africa’s most destructive conflict today.

The burden of history

In 1963, the Heads of the thirty-two African States signed the Charter establishing the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU).

Ethiopia was not only the founding member of the OAU, but it was its nucleus. The leadership of Haile Selassie’s government to the creation of the organization has left a permanent legacy.

Ethiopia’s anti-colonial successes are the bedrock of the organization’s founding principles.

In short, Ethiopia has a special place in the AU. The country is the organization’s heartbeat, embedded in the Union’s collective psyche.

It seems the AU and its member states carry the burden of history. They dare not go against the Ethiopian government. One example is the official statement on the war from the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, favoring the Ethiopian government’s position.

The curse of geography

The AU, after fifty-eight years of stay in Addis Abeba, is both a landmark and a focus of the city’s flurry of diplomatic activities.

The organization has a special relationship with the Ethiopian government. The AUC staffers and the ambassadors are more than acquaintances with their counterparts from Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. They frequently mingle, often wheeling and dealing at cocktails and receptions.

Therefore, the AU’s proximity to the corridors of power in Addis Abeba is the main restraint on its ability to influence its host. The upshot is that the war in Tigray gets a silent treatment.

Perhaps one demonstration of how geography is important relates to the decision by the AU’s Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to probe into the alleged violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law.

The government of Ethiopia was unhappy and urged the AU to “immediately cease” the commission of inquiry, calling it “illegal” and “misguided”. It’s safe to argue that this commission of inquiry benefitted from sitting in Banjul, The Gambia—a safe distance away from Addis Abeba.

The dearth of institutions

The diplomatic efforts of the US and the EU can partly be explained by the pressures coming from human rights institutions and the media.

Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, CNN, AFP, and others have reported atrocities including gang rapes, extrajudicial killings, destruction of properties, and similar crimes committed during the eight months of fighting in Tigray.

But there are no such African human rights institutions or media houses that could launch similar investigations and use their findings to lobby their governments to push for a ceasefire or peace talks.

Their absence is a sad state of affairs and one reason why perhaps African leaders do not feel the urgency to urge the parties in conflict to end the war.

Having such “indigenous” African institutions would also have lessened the polarisation. For instance, supporters of the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea are skeptical about the charges labelled against their governments by the “western” human rights institutions and the media. They often see them as instruments of “neo-colonialism.” Supporters of the Tigrayan fighters, on the other hand, see those “western” institutions as their voice.

Time for the AU to act

The federal government of Ethiopia and the Amhara forces have vowed to obliterate their Tigrayan adversaries once and for all.

The TPLF-led forces also pledged to put up fierce resistance and even go farther out to engage their opponents.

Is the African Union going to sit and watch its mother nation destroy herself?

That will be a historic mistake. The current AU Chairperson, Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, must resuscitate Cyril Ramaphosa’s ‘initiative for peace’ and reappoint the envoys.

The AU shouldn’t fail to deliver on its aspiration to achieve ‘a peaceful and secure Africa’ as set out in its Agenda 2063.

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