Eritrean Political Forces Joint appeal
Saturday, 20 February 2021 22:36 Written by Eritrean Political ForcesTo:
H.E. Mr. Pekka Haavisto,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Finland,
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Helsinki, Finland
Dear Mr. P. Haavisto,
February 16, 2021
We the undersigned allied Eritrean Political Forces in exile are deeply saddened by the rapid escalation of a deadly conflict between the Federal Ethiopian Government with unwarranted support of the Government of Eritrea on the one hand and Regional State of Tigray on the other. In particular the indiscriminate air strikes and ground attacks directed to Tigray occurs at a challenging time as the people struggle to contain the impact of Covid-19 pandemic and a massive locust infestation overwhelming the region during the time of the annual harvest season. Human Rights Watch has rightly said in a report published on February 11 that the apparently indiscriminating shelling of urban areas was a violation of the laws of war.
The world is by now receiving reports of the devastating effect of war on the economy and livelihood of the people and its negative impact on peace and security of the entire region. We continue to witness catastrophic humanitarian crisis with millions of internally displaced people and new waves of refugees fleeing to neighboring Sudan.
Dear Sir,
We Eritreans are particularly worried about the fate of the 172 000 Eritrean refugees most of them in Tigray and Afar regions who have fled enforced military conscription, indefinite national service, lack of freedom of speech and movement and political persecution and imprisonment. The invading Eritrean army which still exerts control over two of the refugee camps, namely Shimelba and Hitsaats, has destroyed most of the buildings in the camps and abducted thousands Eritrean refugees and sent them back to Eritrea. The camps are now closed by the Ethiopian government, and the whereabouts of their residents still unacounted.
This is done in broad day light and in flagrant violation of international laws and norms. Unfortunately, the UNHCR High Commissioner Fillipo Grandi’s appeal to the prime minister of Ethiopia to address the situation as a matter of urgency has not been fulfilled.
Yours excellency,
Our allied forces in exile are aware that the Government of Finland had supported and continues to support the reforms and democratization policies initiated by PM Abiy Ahmed Ali of Ethiopia and that Finland along other Nordic countries works for regional peace, security and integration in the Horn of Africa. Therefore, we eagerly await the result of the ongoing European Union initiated dialogue and engagement under your leadership.
Our allied forces in exile also strongly believe that interests of the peoples of the Horn of Africa are complimentary and never mutually exclusive and building regional peace requires the acceptance by all of democratic values and norms and the belief in cooperation, dialogue and compromise in conflict resolution.
We would like to express our concern for the wellbeing of the civilian population of Tigray and Eritrean refugees in the area and appeal to Your Excellency and through you, to the European Union to:
To ask the Ethiopian Government to guarantee the protection of Eritrean refugee in Tigray and Afar regions as well as in urban centers and allow the UNHCR to continue providing its services.
Demand the immediate withdrawal of Eritrean troops fromTigray and impose sanctions on the members of government and impose an arms embargo of Eritrea.
Put pressure on the Ethiopian Government to allow unfettered humanitarian access to Tigray and find ways of providing emergence food, water and, medical and sanitary supplies to the affected population;
Condemn the Eritrean Government for its interference in the internal affairs of Ethiopia and demand its immediate withdrawal of its invasion forces;
Send an independent group to Tigray to investigate the alleged indiscriminate killings including that of Eritrean refugees, the looting of property including church heritages and old manuscripts, systematic rape of women and wanton barning of crops.
To call upon the Ethiopian government the to halt the violence and resolve the conflict peacefully and engage in a genuine, inclusive and credible dialogue under the auspicious of a neutral international body;
Your Excellency,
A delegation of our allied forced is willing explain to your excellency’s government, our understanding of the recent developments inside Eritrea and the region as a whole and our endeavors to establish a constitutional and democratically elected government in Eritrea that abides by the rule of law in a digital meeting at a time of your convenience.
Sincerely Yours,
For/ the Chairpersons:
ENCDC (Eritrean National Council for Democratic Change) ENF (Eritrean National Front)
EPDP (the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party)
UDC (Organization of Unity for Democratic Change)
UEJ (United Eritreans for Justice)
RSADO (Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization) ENF-Hidri (Eritrean National Salvation Front) Copy
Mrs. Theresa Zittling
Director for Unit for the Horn of Africa and Eastern Africa
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Finland, Helsinki.
Tigray government lays out its terms for peace
Friday, 19 February 2021 23:23 Written by Eritrea Hub‘You should have finished off the survivors’: Ethiopian army implicated in brutal war crime video
Friday, 19 February 2021 23:15 Written by Eritrea HubCameraman tells soldiers to ‘finish off survivors’ in exclusive video seen by Telegraph that appears to be evidence of slaughtered civilians
Groans can be heard from a seriously wounded man squirming on the floor between two corpses.
Chatting as they wander through the aftermath of what appears to be a mass execution of civilians in the Tigray region, soldiers laugh and joke among themselves.
Off to one side they spot a young man who seems to have survived by pretending to be dead.
“You should have finished off the survivors,” the cameraman says in Amharic, Ethiopia’s lingua franca, in an apparent rebuke of the perpetrators of the massacre.
These are scenes from a video clip obtained exclusively by The Telegraph showing the first evidence of what appears to be a war crime carried out by the Ethiopian army. Around 40 bodies in civilian clothes can be seen in the four-minute clip.
Ethiopian and Eritrean forces have for months been battling troops loyal to the former Tigrayan regional government in a war that has left thousands dead and millions on the brink of starvation.
The video footage seen by The Telegraph, which is too graphic to publish, has circulated online in shorter form among local journalists and bloggers – deemed rare proof of the alleged brutality of Addis Ababa’s forces.
The Telegraph was able to geolocate the video to Debre Abay monastery in central Tigray – about 175 miles west of Tigray’s capital, Mekele. It has also confirmed that the clip has not been doctored.
Although the timing of the apparent massacre was not possible to ascertain, a pro-Tigrayan blog reported Ethiopian soldiers had killed 100 civilians at the same monastery on Jan 5.

Experts who were sent the footage called on the Ethiopian government to launch an immediate investigation.
“This is disturbing footage to watch and I would expect the Federal Government to allow the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission full access to establish the facts and to ensure that there is proper accountability for these killings” said Dr Alex Vines, Africa Director at Chatham House.
“It is time to move beyond warnings and statements of concern to investigations and legal proceedings to hold perpetrators accountable for mass atrocities,” added Judd Devermont, Africa Director at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies think tank in Washington DC.
Read more: Dispatch: In the desperation of the Ethiopian conflict, only slivers of hope remain
Ethiopia’s state-run Human Rights Commission (EHRC) confirmed to The Telegraph that they were examining the shorter clip of the massacre that has circulated online.
“The EHRC is aware of the purported video and is working to verify its authenticity,” said the organisation’s spokesman, Aaron Maasho. “We have a team on the ground and will investigate the incident should we confirm its veracity.”
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s press secretary, Billene Seyoum, did not respond to requests for comment.
The cameraman in the footage, presumed to be an Ethiopian soldier, is heard speaking in an accent from southern or western Ethiopia.
At one point, he interrogates a survivor of the carnage, who is lying on the floor covered in dirt from head to toe.
“Why were you here in the first place?” the cameraman barks.
“I live in the home over there,” the young man – barely audible – replies in Tigray’s local Tigrigna language, gesturing towards nearby homes. The cameraman responds with a barrage of curses.
At one point, off-screen civilians plead for mercy as soldiers weigh up whether to kill another survivor seen trying to limp away to safety.
Eventually, they agree to leave him.
The video emerged after The Telegraph published dozens of Tigrayan refugees’ accounts of killings, artillery bombardment and looting in Tigray in November.
In recent weeks, human rights organisations and aid workers have issued reports that many in Tigray are now facing starvation, with people already eating leaves to survive or dying in their sleep.
The United Nations Special Adviser on Genocide Prevention said that it has received multiple reports of extra-judicial killings, mass executions, sexual violence, looting and impeded humanitarian access. Earlier this month the body warned that the atrocities in Tigray were likely to get worse.
Last week, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said that Ethiopian federal forces carried out apparently indiscriminate shelling of urban areas in the Tigray region, including Mekele, a city of half a million people, in November 2020 in violation of the laws of war.
The Telegraph was sent about two dozen photos, also too graphic to publish, showing the bodies of children blown to pieces by the Ethiopian federal government’s artillery barrage of the city.
In addition to Tigray’s internet and phone services being shut down for the entirety of the war, journalists and aid workers have been barred from the region.
The resulting humanitarian disaster has left 4.5 million people in need of emergency assistance. A coalition of Tigray’s political opposition recently stated that more than 50,000 people might have died since fighting began on November 4th.
In November last year, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, declared victory after his troops’ capture of Mekele – but sporadic fighting continues.
Despite the lack of communication, journalists and rights groups have been able to confirm that forces on both sides of the war have committed atrocities against civilians.
Retreating Tigrayan forces killed hundreds of civilians in the town of Maykadra on November 9th, using blunt objects, according to rights group Amnesty International.
BREAKING: Powerful testimony confirms Axum massacre by Eritrea Hub
Thursday, 18 February 2021 21:54 Written by CARA ANNA"Bodies with gunshot wounds lay in the streets for days in Ethiopia’s holiest city. At night, residents listened in horror as hyenas fed on the corpses of people they knew. But they were forbidden from burying their dead by the invading Eritrean soldiers. Those memories haunt a deacon at the country’s most sacred Ethiopian Orthodox church in Axum, where local faithful believe the ancient Ark of the Covenant is housed."
Source: Associated Press
‘Horrible’: Witnesses recall massacre in Ethiopian holy city
By CARA ANNA
An elderly woman who fled to the city of Axum in the Tigray region of Ethiopia to seek safety sits with her head bandaged after being wounded during an attack on the city, Monday, Nov. 30, 2020. She later died of her wounds. As Ethiopia’s Tigray region slowly resumes telephone service after three months of conflict, witnesses gave The Associated Press a detailed account of what might be its deadliest massacre, at the sacred Ethiopian Orthodox church in Axum. (AP Photo)
NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Bodies with gunshot wounds lay in the streets for days in Ethiopia’s holiest city. At night, residents listened in horror as hyenas fed on the corpses of people they knew. But they were forbidden from burying their dead by the invading Eritrean soldiers.
Those memories haunt a deacon at the country’s most sacred Ethiopian Orthodox church in Axum, where local faithful believe the ancient Ark of the Covenant is housed. As Ethiopia’s Tigray region slowly resumes telephone service after three months of conflict, the deacon and other witnesses gave The Associated Press a detailed account of what might be its deadliest massacre.
For weeks, rumors circulated that something ghastly had occurred at the Church of St. Mary of Zion in late November, with estimates of several hundred people killed. But with Tigray cut off from the world and journalists blocked from entering, little could be verified as Ethiopian and allied fighters pursued the Tigray region’s fugitive leaders.
The deacon, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he remains in Axum, said he helped count the bodies — or what was left after hyenas fed. He gathered victims’ identity cards and assisted with burials in mass graves.
He believes some 800 people were killed that weekend at the church and around the city, and that thousands in Axum have died in all. The killing continues: On the day he spoke to the AP last week he said he had buried three people.
“If we go to the rural areas, the situation is much worse,” the deacon said.
The atrocities of the Tigray conflict have occurred in the shadows. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for making peace with neighboring Eritrea, announced the fighting as the world focused on the U.S. election. He accused Tigray’s regional forces, whose leaders dominated Ethiopia for nearly three decades before he took office, of attacking the Ethiopian military. Tigray’s leaders called it self-defense after months of tensions.
While the world clamors for access to Tigray to investigate suspected atrocities on all sides and deliver aid to millions of hungry people, the prime minister has rejected outside “interference.” He declared victory in late November and said no civilians had been killed. His government denies the presence of thousands of soldiers from Eritrea, long an enemy of the Tigray leaders.
Ethiopia’s narrative, however, has crumbled as witnesses like the deacon emerge. The official overseeing Tigray’s state of emergency, Redwan Hussein, didn’t respond to questions.
Axum, with its ancient ruins and churches, holds major significance for the Ethiopian Orthodox faithful, who believe that the Ark of the Covenant, built to hold the tablets inscribed with the Ten Commandments, is located there.
“If you attack Axum, you attack first of all the identity of Orthodox Tigrayans but also of all Ethiopian Orthodox Christians,” said Wolbert Smidt, an ethnohistorian who specializes in the region. “Axum itself is regarded as a church in the local tradition, ‘Axum Zion.’”
In a normal year, thousands of people would have gathered at the Zion church in late November to celebrate the day Ethiopians believe the Ark of the Covenant was brought there after it disappeared from Jerusalem in ancient times.
Instead, the church had become a refuge for people who fled the fighting elsewhere in Tigray. They sheltered there as worship services were underway two days before the anniversary.
Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers had arrived in Axum more than a week earlier, with heavy bombardment. But on Nov. 28 the Eritrean soldiers returned in force to hunt down members of the local militia who had mobilized against them in Axum and nearby communities.
The deacon recalled soldiers bursting into the church, cornering and dragging out worshippers and shooting at those who fled.
“I escaped by chance with a priest,” he said. “As we entered the street, we could hear gunfire all over.” They kept running, stumbling over the dead and wounded along with others trying to find places to hide.
Most of the hundreds of victims were killed that day, he said, but the shooting and looting continued the following day.
“They started to kill people who were moving from church to home or home to home, simply because they were on the street,” another witness, visiting university lecturer Getu Mak, told the AP. “It was a horrible act to see.” He watched the fighting from his hotel room, then ventured out as it eased.
“On every corner, almost, there was a body,” he said. “People were crying in every home.”
Another witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, said soldiers killed a man at his home near the Zion church. “How can I tell you? So many dead,” said the man, who has since escaped to the Tigray capital, Mekele.
After the killings in Axum came an uneasy period with soldiers roaming the streets and families searching for loved ones. At night, hyenas descended from nearby hills.
The city began to smell of death as some bodies went untouched for days.
“I saw a horse cart carrying around 20 bodies to the church, but Eritrean soldiers stopped them and told people to throw them back on the street,” said Getu, the university lecturer.
Finally, when the soldiers left the city to pursue other fighters, residents mobilized to bury the bodies, the deacon said.
“We could not do a formal burial,” he said. “We buried them en masse” in graves near the Zion church and others.
Some of the dead were among the hundreds of thousands of people in Tigray displaced by the conflict and not known to Axum residents. Their identity cards were collected in churches, where they await the discovery of loved ones.
The deacon said residents believe the Eritrean soldiers were taking revenge for the two-decade border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea that played out nearby and ended after Abiy became prime minister. Some of the soldiers told residents they had been instructed to kill people as young as 12, he said.
Another witness, a 39-year-old who gave only his first name, Mhretab, and escaped weeks ago to the United States, asserted that Ethiopian federal police did nothing to rein in the Eritrean soldiers.
“I said to them, ’Listen, you’re Ethiopian, they’re destroying Ethiopian cities. How is this possible?‴ Mhretab recalled.
”They said, ‘What can we do? This shouldn’t have happened from the beginning. This is from above,’” indicating that it had been decided by senior officials, he said.
He said he ferried bodies to a mass grave by the Zion church and estimated that he saw 300 to 400 there.
The deacon believes that the Eritrean soldiers, in their hunt for Tigray fighters, have killed thousands more people in villages outside Axum. “When they fight and lose, they take revenge on the farmers and kill everyone they can find,” he said. “This is what we’ve seen in the past three months.”
Getu echoed that belief, citing his uncle, who survived such a rural confrontation.
The deacon has not gone to the villages outside Axum. His work remains with his church, where services continue even as he says the Tigray conflict is as fierce as ever.
“We’re also protecting the church,” he said. “Even now, I’m talking to you from there. We are not armed. What we do is mostly watching. And, of course, praying that God protects us.”
QRCS provides food, nonfood aid for 27,000 Ethiopian refugees in Sudan [EN/AR]
Wednesday, 17 February 2021 22:19 Written by reliefweb.intNews and Press Release Source
Posted 17 Feb 2021 Originally published 17 Feb 2021
February 17th, 2021 ― Doha: The representation office of Qatar Red Crescent Society (QRCS) in Sudan has completed Phase 1 of an emergency response to the recent influx of Ethiopian refugees from the war-ravaged Tigray Region of Ethiopia.
Food and nonfood aid was distributed to thousands of refugees facing severe conditions at the Tunaydbah refugee camp, Gadarif State.
The distributions included 2,500 food parcels, each containing 44 kg of food items like flour, rice, lentils, tea, salt, and vegetable oil, as well as 2,000 hygiene kits. In total, these provisions were received by 4,500 refugee families, or an average of 27,000 beneficiaries.
These were part of Phase 1 of the project, which involves multiple sectors, at a total cost of QR 6,681,818. It is planned to distribute another 1,000 food parcels, to be shipped from Qatar later this month, sending the overall number of food parcels to 3,500.
Over the coming period, Phase 2 will be initiated to distribute 2,180 relief kits (kitchenware, blankets, soap, jerry canes, water storage containers, tarpaulins, and washing powder. In relation to water and sanitation, 300 permanent toilets will be delivered and installed. In partnership with the Sudanese Red Crescent Society (SRCS), the camp’s health center will be furnished and operated to offer primary health care services.
Dr. Awadallah Hamdan, Head of QRCS’s office in Sudan, said the organization would be always there for Sudan. The State of Qatar, he asserted, will continue to support the Ethiopian refugees in Sudan with diverse relief interventions. QRCS has already responded to many disasters in the country, including the flash flooding and COVID-19. It works together with SRCS on large-scale health and development projects in Darfur and many other states.
Al-Sayed Abdulazeem, SRCS’s manager of the Tunaydbah refugee camp, commended the diversity and size of the food parcels provided by QRCS for the Ethiopian refugees, compared to other humanitarian providers. He described the aid as “timely to alleviate the suffering of the beneficiaries”.
Eng. Abdulmoneim Othman, the camp’s manager from Sudan’s Commission of Refugees (COR), praised QRCS’s efforts and interventions and promised to offer all possible support to facilitate their work.
The Ethiopian refugees at the camp appreciated the ongoing relief aid from QRCS, which reflected on their smiling faces and thankful words as they happily received the relief items.
Over the past few months, Ethiopian refugees have been displaced by the violence in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. The latest estimates issued by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) indicate 61,209 registered refugees. $157 million is needed to respond to the urgent needs of up to 115,000 refugees and 22,000 host communities in Sudan and Djibouti until June 2021.
Gaps remain in all sectors, from water, sanitation, and hygiene to health facilities, food, shelter, protection response, especially youth protection activities, and psychosocial support. Fuel shortages, limited numbers of vehicles, and limited road access are also posing a challenge to the relocation of the new arrivals, as well as the provision of supplies to the different sites. There is a dire need of energy, especially alternative cooking energy.
Sudan declares states of emergency after protests over soaring food prices
Wednesday, 17 February 2021 11:24 Written by Zeinab Mohammed SalihAs famine warnings are triggered and food is stolen from markets, the government blames supporters of ousted president al-Bashir

The joint military-civilian government believes supporters of the former president, Omar al-Bashir, are behind the protests. The government recently ordered the prosecution of members of Bashir’s party.
Millions of people in the country are struggling as the cost of living continues to rise amid economic difficulties. The Sudanese pound dropped against the dollar from 260 pounds (£3.40) in November to 315 pounds last month. The annual rate of inflation increased to 269% in December, up from 254% in November, according to the Central Bureau of Statistics.

The Famine Early Warning Systems Network (Fewsnet) has said food insecurity could reach crisis levels in parts of Kordofan and Darfur in the coming months. The price of bread has soared. The cost of subsidised loaves, which have become scarce, have increased from 2 pounds to 5 pounds, while unsubsidised bread is being sold in some areas of Khartoum for 15 or 20 pounds, and up to 50 pounds in Darfur and Kordofan. In January, the price of 1kg of sugar was 220 pounds, up from 150 pounds in 2020. Sudan is being encouraged by the international community to devalue its currency in order to get loans.
Mohamed Babikir, an activist who took part in the protests that led to Bashir’s downfall in 2019, said protests had not stopped since 2019. “People are always protesting here and there, demanding justice for those who have been killed, or demanding better politics by having freedoms and the civilian transmission in governance.”
Bashir el-Sadig, a teacher at a girls’ secondary school in the capital of North Kordofan, El-Obeid, which has seen large protests, told the Guardian that more than half of his pupils need help buying food, adding: “Many of them work as cleaners as well, to help themselves and their families. People really are struggling and that’s the mistake of the government in the centre, they didn’t provide enough subsidised food.”
Abdulraheem Ahmed, a teacher at a boys’ high school in Er Rahad, a city to the south of El-Obeid, said: “My wife and I are only two, and we used to eat fruit every two months, now we stopped having fruit, because it is too expensive. I also walk to school instead of taking transportation, which costs me about 100 pounds. I think I should buy something to eat instead of wasting that on transportation.”
Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict and the battle to control information
Wednesday, 17 February 2021 10:49 Written by Eritrea HubWarnings about deterioration of press freedom as independent journalists endure harassment, denied access to embattled northern region.
Source: Al Jazeera
Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict and the battle to control information
The government-imposed lockdown of the northern region and communications blackout affecting the internet, mobile phones and landlines has made access and assessment for aid agencies dealing with the unfolding humanitarian crisis extremely difficult. It has also made it next to impossible for media seeking entry to investigate artillery attacks on populated areas, deliberate targeting and massacres of civilians, extrajudicial killings, widespread looting and rape, including by suspected Eritrean soldiers.
“This is the worst period in my 10-plus years of journalism,” said one Addis Ababa-based Ethiopian freelance journalist, who, like every journalist contacted for this article, insisted on anonymity due to fear of reprisals, both professional and physical.
The journalist noted that even before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered the November 4 offensive to remove the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) after attacks of federal army bases, the government was already using new anti-hate speech and fake news legislation against critical journalists. “The risk was mainly restricted to imprisonment and verbal harassment. Now, you have the extra risk of losing your life or having your house ransacked as well as vicious social media trolling.”
The journalist said they have had to abandon several writing projects, including one on the plight of a small ethnic group caught up in the secretive Tigray conflict, due to fears about “plain old thuggery and intimidation of journalists”.
‘Regressing signs’
The list of attacks on and intimidation of journalists in Ethiopia is growing. After the Addis Standard, one of Ethiopia’s most influential independent publications, issued a statement in early November urging the government to open channels of communication, Medihane Ekubamichael, a senior editor, was arrested at his home for “attempts to dismantle the Constitution through violence” and “outrage against the Constitution”. He was soon released – but then arrested again and held for about a month. Responsible for much of the paper’s day-to-day operations, his absence meant it had to reduce its journalistic output.
On January 19, Dawit Kebede Araya, a reporter with broadcaster Tigray TV, was found dead with gunshot wounds to his head in his car near Mekelle, Tigray’s regional capital. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has urged an independent investigation into whether his killing was motivated by his work.
On February 8, Ethiopian freelance journalist Lucy Kassa, who has reported about Tigray for several foreign media including the Los Angeles Times and Al Jazeera, said armed intruders broke into her Addis Ababa home. She said men knocked her to the ground, raided her apartment and took a laptop and other items related to her reporting, accusing her of “spreading lies” and supporting “the Tigray junta”.
Three leading Democratic US senators recently wrote to Abiy expressing concerns about the erosion of press freedoms and the government’s “draconian tactics”, while calling for the release of detained journalists.
Now, rights groups said the continuing clash about freedom of the press is rolling back gains made by the country’s long-suffering media, signalling a swing back towards authoritarian intolerance.
“The imprisonment of journalists, many of whom were held for weeks without formal charges, are an indicator of the deterioration of press freedom in Ethiopia and a sign that the government is regressing despite the positive reforms made in 2018 when Abiy became prime minister,” said Muthoki Mumo, CPJ’s representative for sub-Saharan Africa.
“Ethiopian journalists should feel free to publish critical reports and commentary, and this cannot happen in an environment where police can arrest and hold them for weeks without charge, blatantly weaponising the judicial system to intimidate the media.”
The press secretary for the Office of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia did not respond to several requests for comment.
Media landscape challenges
When Abiy was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, the committee praised his “discontinuing media censorship” among his achievements during his first 100 days in power. Positive changes to Ethiopia’s media landscape, including the country ending its block of more than 260 websites and lifting a ban on media outlets forced to work in exile, saw Ethiopia rise in the World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) from 150 out of 180 countries in 2018 to the 99th rank in 2020. The CPJ’s 2018 annual Prison Census report on journalists imprisoned for their work around the world included no Ethiopians – a first in 14 years.
But as Abiy’s tenure has progressed, so has criticism of his lack of transparency – the prime minister announced the Tigray offensive, in effect a declaration of war, on Facebook – and for repeating what has always happened in Ethiopia when a fresh administration arrives promising reform and freedom of speech: initially new media flourish as restrictions are lifted, but within a few years, the situation returns to the old ways of previous Ethiopian governments.
The CPJ’s 2020 Prison Census published in December 2020 included seven Ethiopian journalists, the third-most among sub-Saharan African countries, after Eritrea and Cameroon (six Ethiopian journalists have been released since the report was published).
Monitors do acknowledge that the government has to deal with a media landscape that is institutionally weak, in which freedom of expression is abused by some media to foment tension and partisanship, even ethnic violence.
“There are legitimate concerns from state and non-state actors about misinformation, disinformation and incitement, particularly during times of political tension,” Muthoki said. “However, these concerns should not be used as pretext to harass the media for critical reporting; to criminalise dissenting views; or as justification to throw journalists behind bars.”
It has long been understood that Ethiopian journalists have it tougher than Ethiopia-based foreign journalists who can more easily seek backup from international agencies or embassies. Ethiopian journalists from Tigray face even more difficulties from the conflict’s fallout. Ethnic Tigrayan journalists have reportedly been collectively suspended from state media outlets, while several anchors of state-owned Ethiopian television were suspended from work for objecting to the wording of news about the Tigray war, according to a source in the industry.
Commenting on an RSF statement about the attack on Kassa, who is Tigrayan, the government’s Ethiopia State of Emergency Fact Check said “all individuals need to be free from any form of harm” but added the press watchdog was wrong in describing her as working for foreign organisations because she did not have the necessary press authorisation.
CPJ condemned the government unit’s statement as “disgraceful”. “Instead of identifying these attackers and holding them to account, authorities have instead sought to discredit Lucy Kassa by saying she’s not a legally registered journalist, exposing growing hostility to the [press],” it said.
‘Extreme intolerance’
But the screw seems to be turning also on foreign journalists, too. Even while being denied access in Tigray, journalists have said that members of foreign media are also portrayed by the Ethiopian state as “traitors” and enemies of Ethiopia, “paid by Western governments to destabilise Ethiopia”. Foreign reporters also report difficulties renewing work visas, while some have been threatened with deportation. Just quoting the TPLF, the region’s former governing party that has clashed with Abiy, will get you in trouble, journalists have said.
“The level of intolerance around Tigray is as extreme as anything I have seen,” said one long-term commentator on Ethiopia who recently visited the country after working there for nearly a decade, and who described Abiy as displaying “classic dictatorial tendencies”.
But just as the government is being accused of firing out reams of propaganda and leveraging claims of fake news, so, too, have its opponents. The anti-government strategy appears to be focused on increasing activity on social media – in particular, on Twitter – with supporters encouraged to create new accounts and respond to content about the conflict while also spreading hashtags and tweeting at influential Twitter users. The government has countered by positioning itself in the role of fact-checker and provider of reliable information, usurping the job that the media should be doing.
The result is an extremely confusing information environment compounded by a general sense of suspicion about the information coming out about the conflict – all of which journalists must contend with and try to make sense of, while being impeded by the government.
“The government needs to understand the media is an important component to building a strong democratic society that can inform the public and serve as a platform for dialogue,” said Tewodrose Tirfe, chair of the Amhara Association of America, a US-based advocacy group for the Amhara, Ethiopia’s second-largest ethnic group.
“The government needs to view the Ethiopian media as a partner and not limit journalists access to conflict areas and government officials.”
Ethiopian troops holding Eritrean refugees in Addis Ababa
Wednesday, 17 February 2021 10:46 Written by Martin PlautEthiopian troops – some of them special forces – have seized Eritrean refugees who escaped the war in Tigray and reached the outskirts of Addis Ababa.
Sixty-eight refugees (12 children, 25 women and 31 men), who were previously housed at the four UNHCR camps in Tigray, have been detained and are appealing for help.
All are registered with the UNHCR and fear that they could be forcibly returned to Eritrea. They are asking to be released, to live in Addis with others in the local Eritrean community.
The refugees are currently being detained near a checkpoint known as Tilu Dimtu (ቲሉ ዲምቱ). This is in the suburb of Gelan, south of the city. They are said to be being held in a metal shed close to condominium homes in the area.
When the war broke out in November last year 96,000 Eritreans were housed in four UNHCR camps situated in Tigray. Previous groups of Eritrean refugees who managed to make it to Addis Ababa were forcibly returned to the camps from which they had fled.
The UN has managed to visit the two southern camps – Mai Ani and Adi Harush – but the two northern camps are reported to have been attacked, emptied and destroyed.
The northern camps (Hitsats and Shimelba) were home to nearly 34,000 Eritreans registered with the UN before the fighting. The UN has been unable to visit these camps, but satellite photographs show them to have been extensively damaged.
How Ethiopia paid $130,000 to polish its image in Washington – and is asking for more
Monday, 15 February 2021 11:59 Written by Eritrea HubEthiopia hires lobbying help amid dual threats from Egypt, human rights critics

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed heads to a European Council meeting in Brussels, Belgium. on Jan. 24, 2019 / Photo by Alexandros Michailidis / Shutterstock
The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington signed a $35,000-per-month contract with DC-based law firm Venable on Feb. 1. The contract is for an initial three months but can be extended.
Venable will provide “government relations service which may include outreach to the United States Congress and the federal government,” according to the new filing with the US Justice Department. Registered on the account are attorney Thomas Quinn and policy adviser Loren Aho. The pair also represent the Embassy of Qatar in Washington, while Quinn also represents the Hong Kong Trade Development Council.
Venable declined to comment beyond what’s in the filing. The Ethiopian Embassy did not respond to a request for comment.
The new hire comes as Ethiopia is under increasing pressure in Washington on several fronts.
Regional rival Egypt has been flexing its new lobbying muscle to try to convince Biden to follow President Donald Trump‘s lead and side with Cairo in its dispute with Addis Ababa over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, or GERD. Ethiopia sees the 6,450 MW project as a vital development priority, but Egypt and Sudan want a say in how it is filled because of concerns it could hurt their downstream share of Nile waters.
Egypt benefited from personal ties between President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Trump, who famously referred to his Egyptian counterpart as “my favorite dictator” and tried to broker a deal between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan at the White House. Dissatisfied with what it called the “lack of progress” in resolving the dispute, Trump’s State Department even suspended some aid to Ethiopia in September “based on guidance from the president.”
Outflanked in Washington, the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed hired its first lobbying firm last summer. The contract with Barnes & Thornburg was for $130,000 but only lasted from June 30 to Sept. 30 (the firm provided no services after that date and is expected to shortly file paperwork indicating that it formally terminated its registration on Jan. 19, the day before Biden’s inauguration, Foreign Lobby Report has learned).
Lobbying filings show that Barnes & Thornburg’s lobbying focused exclusively on the dam issue. The firm contacted multiple congressional offices over the summer as well as officials at the National Security Council, the State Department and the Treasury Department, which Trump had put in charge of the negotiations.
Following Trump’s defeat, the Egyptian Embassy in Washington moved quickly to hire Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck on a year-long, $65,000-a-month contract. Former House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce (R-Calif.), former Sen. Mark Begich (D-Alaska) and Nadeam Elshami, a former chief of staff to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), are lobbying for the embassy.
Earlier this month, Royce touted his conservationist credentials to pitch a virtual congressional briefing by the embassy.
“As you may know, the negotiations surrounding the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam have stalled,” Royce wrote to congressional staff. “Without an enforceable agreement, the operations of the dam will have significant environmental ramifications, for both the populations of Egypt and Sudan as well as for the Nile’s regional ecosystems.”
The Notable Prison Break of 1975
Source: BBC Tigrinya
An interesting story appeared on BBC Tigrinya website yesterday which instantly stirred a lot of interest in social media all day.
The story was about the historic prison break of 1975 from Sembel and Adi-Quala prisons organised by Eritrean Liberation Front fighters.
SEMBEL is the area around the present Asmara airport which was expropriated for an Italian farm in the 1890s and then developed as a military airport and barracks during the 1930s. The name was applied to the military complex used by the commandos and the Ethiopian army from the 1960s and to the military prison established there mainly for captured Eritrean fighters.
Adi Quala was a small village of no importance before the Italians established a fort there in 1890 to defend the central plateau against a possible attack from Tigray. It remained a garrison town known particularly for its massive stone prison until the British period when primary and secondary schools were established and its Eritrean population began to increase. By 1962, there were 1,500 residents, and this increased as its Ethiopian garrison grew during the armed struggle.
On 12 February 1975, cadre of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) managed to convince the Eritrean prison guards there and at the prison at Adi Quala to desert and free their captives.
In this simultaneous operations, the ELF released around 1,000 prisoners from Sembel and Adi Quala, including ELF operatives Seyoum Ogbamichael and Woldedawit Temesgen and one of the top political strategists of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), Haile Woldetensae, taking the sick and injured out by truck and using ladders to scale the wire fences for the others.
On that day 700 prisoners were freed from Sembel and 300 from Adi Quala.
However, according to Eritrean Historical Dictionary, the prison was soon filled again with fighters captured around Adi Yaqob and elsewhere, 45 of whom were executed in 1984 after an EPLF raid on the neighbouring airport.
In 1980 Woldesus Ammar, a veteran ELF fighter, had a chance to interview Woldedawit Temesghen (1945–1985), the unwavering ELF operative who committed his short life to the struggle until he was assassinated in Sudan in 1985.
Woldedawit, together with his comrade Seyoum Ogbamichael, played crucial role in the historic prison break of 1975. Woldedawit was a member of the activist cohort at ‘Scuola Vittorio’, the Prince Mekonnen Secondary School, in the 1960s that included many future leaders of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). The militant group of the 1960s from Prince Makonnen included Woldesus Ammar, Seyoum Ogbamichael, Woldedawit Temesghen, Michael Gaber, Isaias Afwerki, Mussie Tesfamichael, Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae and more.
- Woldesus Ammar lives in Switzerland and he, together with his EPDP group, is still fighting for human and democratic rights of Eritreans.
- Seyoum Ogbamichael who went on to chair the Eritrean Liberation Front–Revolutionary Council died in 2005.
- Woldedawit Temesghen who was instrumental in organising the prison break of 1975 was assassinated in 1985 in Sudan.
- Michael Gaber, a renowned ELF fighter who set up the education system for Eritrean refugees in the Sudan. Michael taught there from 1978 through 1992 when he was killed in a bus accident.
- Isaias Afwerki is the current unelected president of Eritrea.
- Mussie Tesfamichael Mussie was a member of a leftist trend that emerged within the evolving front in 1973—the Menqa—to challenge Isaias Afwerki’s autocratic leadership. Isaias Afwerki and his supporters acted ruthlessly to suppress the ‘menqa’ group by executing key organisers and arresting dozens of their supporters. Mussie was among the executed.
- Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae was one of the inner circle among Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) founders and a leading ideologue of the Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP). He served in a range of cabinet posts in the Government of Eritrea before he was dismissed and then imprisoned in 2001 for his role in the Group of 15 (G-15) reformists who criticised President Isaias Afwerki for his undemocratic rule. Haile was imprisoned on 18 September 2001, together with 10 of the other Open Letter signers who were in the country at that time, and he was not seen or heard from after that.
Woldedawit Temesgen left school with Seyoum Ogbamichael to join the ELF in 1965. Once in Kassala, Sudan, he and Seyoum were assigned to the front’s new Fifth Division and sent back to Asmara to organise a network of secret cells. According to Historical Dictionary of Eritrea, on 31 August, after only 10 days of clandestine meetings with students, teachers, and workers, the two ELF operatives were identified by a government agent working inside the ELF, Ghirmai Yossef, and arrested during a meeting with a teacher in the Kidane Mehret quarter of the city. Woldedawit spent the next decade in Asmara’s Sembel prison before making his escape with 700 others in a daring February 1975 ELF prison break. He remained with the ELF until his untimely death in 1985.
Woldedawit Temesghen (inset) – the prisoner truck used to transport the sick during the escape.
Then and Now
Prison conditions of 60s, 70s and 80s were harsh. Most families, especially those in the lowlands, were severely affected by the imprisonment of their loved ones. Many prisoners lost their jobs for good, families went bankrupt, children grew up without their fathers, young wives were abandoned, the elderly were harassed and left on their own and in short, many more joined the armed struggle after incarceration.
That era under Ethiopian rule was very challenging to many Eritreans, particularly those affected by the imprisonment of a family member. However, prisoners had some rights then. Family members could visit prisoners, deliver food, provide them with fresh clothes. There was no such thing as prisoners held incommunicado.
Amnesty International has repeatedly reported that in post-liberation Eritrea “prisons are filled with thousands of political prisoners, locked up without ever being charged with a crime, many of whom are never heard from again. Those detained include government critics, journalists and people practising an unregistered religion, as well as people trying to leave the country or avoid indefinite conscription into national service.”