January 1, 2019 Ethiopia, News

Tigrayans halt army redeployment of weapons

Popular protests on Monday prevented the Ethiopian army from transferring its heavy weapons from north-eastern Tigray.

The events took place in Gulo Mekeda, close to the town of Zalambessa, which borders on Eritrea.

After a daylong standoff, the military held discussions with local people and agreed to remain there until replacements arrived.

The people of Tigray are sceptical about the policies of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whom they accuse of working with Eritrean President, Isaias Afwerki. They believe this has made Tigray vulnerable to potential attacks from Eritrea.

Since reconciliation between Eritrea and Ethiopia and Prime Minister Abiy’s trip to Asmara in July, Tigrayans have been warily watching developments on both sides of the border. They have insisted that the army’s artillery stays in their area to protect them.

Why the military wants to move its artillery

Tigrayans halt army redeployment of weapons

Ethiopia’s federal army believes it requires its armaments to prepare for a possible conflict in Oromia.

Since the return of rebels of the Oromo Liberation Front from exile in Eritrea there have been clashes between OLF forces and government soldiers throughout the state of Oromia.

The Tigrayans mounting the roadblocks in Gulo Mekeda were not convinced, arguing that the OLF doesn’t have heavy weapons, while the Eritreans do.

The recent closure of the Eritrea – Ethiopian border has only fuelled Tigrayan distrust of President Isaias and Prime Miniser Abiy.

Tigrayans halt army redeployment of weapons

Ethiopia has experienced ethnic conflicts in many parts of the country after Prime Minister Abiy ended the dominance of the centre over regional parties.

Currently there are close to 3 million people displaced within Ethiopia.

December 29, 2018 News

Source: Globe and Mail

Saturday, December 29, 2018

GEOFFREY YORK
 

ASMARA — The road from Eritrea’s mountain capital to the Red Sea is narrow and dangerous. It descends steeply in switchbacks and hairpin turns, dotted with stone crosses that mark the deaths of drivers who failed to navigate the hazards: rock falls, steep cliffs, wandering goats, herds of camels, troops of baboons.

Now, the mountain road has a new menace: Hundreds of massive, Chinese-made trucks are thundering in a steady procession to the sea, carrying thousands of tonnes of zinc and copper concentrate from a Canadian-owned mine and roaring perilously close to shepherds and village children along the route.

The mine’s majority owner, Vancouver-based Nevsun Resources Ltd., has been warned by its own human-rights auditor – and by the United Nations children’s agency – about the potentially lethal risks of the truck traffic on the mountain road, especially to local children.

Four people have been killed and almost a dozen injured in at least 19 accidents involving the mining trucks in the past five years, according to the auditor. But the trucks are not accountable to Nevsun – they are operated by state-owned Transhorn Trucking, a branch of an authoritarian government with one of the world’s worst human-rights records.

It’s an example of the state partnerships Nevsun has been obliged to accept in Eritrea as part of its profitable mining operation. Those partnerships – especially one with a state-owned construction company that often uses conscript labour – are now coming under increasing scrutiny in Canadian courts.

On Jan. 23, the Supreme Court of Canada will hear arguments from lawyers for Eritrean refugees and from Nevsun itself in a historic test case to determine whether a Canadian company can be sued in Canada over the alleged use of slave labour and other human-rights abuses at an overseas operation. Nevsun and its critics agree on one point: The case will have huge ramifications for Canadian businesses, establishing the extent of their accountability for their overseas investments.

The Bisha mine in Eritrea, originally a gold mine and now producing zinc and copper, is 60-per-cent owned by Nevsun and 40-per-cent owned by the Eritrean government, a brutal dictatorship that has locked up thousands of political prisoners without trial in its 25 years of oneparty rule. Bisha has become the single biggest source of revenue for the government, providing more than $1-billion in taxes and other payments since it started production in 2011. When Bisha was under development from 2008 to 2011, Nevsun’s main partner was a state-controlled company, Segen Construction.

Like many Eritrean state companies, Segen routinely uses conscript labour: workers who are drafted into indefinite service at 18 and forced to toil for the military or the government for as many as 25 years for menial wages. An inquiry by the United Nations has described the system as “enslavement.”

Nevsun acknowledged in 2013 that conscript workers may have been used during the construction of the mine. It said it has since established a screening system to prevent the use of such workers at the mine. And it said the mine is now operating “according to international standards of governance, workplace conditions, health, safety and human rights.”

But outside the mine site, those standards are more difficult to enforce. The trucking contract shows how Nevsun uses a state company for its export operations. In response to questions from The Globe and Mail this month, Nevsun declined to say whether it conducts any detailed monitoring of the trucking company’s daily operations, the fatalities and injuries on its route to the sea port or the compensation paid to its victims.

In interviews with The Globe, several drivers said the trucking company does not use conscripts. But they confirmed that they routinely drive on the hazardous mountain road at night, in shifts as long as 10 hours. They said they are paid about $130 a month, plus a travel allowance.

A 2015 human-rights audit, commissioned by Nevsun and conducted by LKL International Consulting Inc., reported that the Bisha trucks had already been involved in a number of accidents along the road to the Red Sea, including a fatal one. Road safety was an emerging human-rights issue at the mine because of the “significant increase” in the volume of trucks to the sea port and the “ramp-up to round-the-clock hauling of copper concentrate,” the audit said.

“The road safety issue is the area where the Bisha Mine’s operations have the most likely and potentially severe impacts on children,” the audit found. UNICEF had confirmed the risks for children on the truck route, the audit said.

“Heavy truck traffic will likely increase when the mine transitions into the zinc phase,” it said.

“The risk of road accidents will likely increase if roads and bridges along the main route … continue to deteriorate without an increase in maintenance efforts.”

While the mine has safety rules for its vehicles, “it is more difficult to enforce these policies outside the mine site, and there are many variables beyond the company’s control,” the audit said.

It noted that the state company, Transhorn, has installed GPS transmitters on some of its trucks to monitor its drivers. But the Eritrean Police Force “does not appear to do much” to control the speed of the trucks, it said.

Lloyd Lipsett, president of LKL International Consulting, said the number of accidents involving Bisha trucks has increased since the 2015 audit. In an interview with The Globe, he said he will be recommending to Nevsun that the company pay serious attention to the trucking issue. Installing GPS transmitters has failed to solve the problem, he said.

Nevsun also needs to review the issues of fatigue among drivers and their nighttime shifts on the mountain road, Mr. Lipsett said.

He said he has been assured that the victims of accidents or their families are paid compensation. But he acknowledged that he doesn’t know the amount of the payments and recommended a review of compensation practices. “It’s a legitimate question,” he said.

Todd Romaine, vice-president of corporate social responsibility at Nevsun, declined to answer most of The Globe’s questions about his company’s relationship with Transhorn Trucking.

“When off-site, service providers for road haulage have to comply with relevant Eritrean laws and regulations, with any incidents being reported to and investigated by the Eritrean Police Force and dealt with in accordance to Eritrean laws,” Mr.

Romaine said.

In September, Nevsun agreed to a $1.9-billion friendly takeover by a Chinese company, Zijin Mining Group Co. Ltd. The Chinese offer of $6 a share was due to expire on Friday afternoon, paving the way for the takeover to be completed soon. But even with Chinese ownership, the case at the Supreme Court of Canada will continue.

The case was launched by three Eritrean refugees who accuse Nevsun of violating international law against forced labour, slavery and torture. In rulings in 2016 and 2017, the Supreme Court of British Columbia and the B.C. Court of Appeal rejected Nevsun’s argument that the case could only be heard in Eritrea, not in Canada. The company has appealed to the Supreme Court, setting the stage for a crucial ruling on the responsibilities of Canadian mining companies that operate abroad.

In its appeal, Nevsun argues that the legal case by the Eritrean refugees would “magnify the risk” of further claims against Canadian companies. “Canadian courts are seeing growing numbers of claims against local defendants alleging that they are responsible, directly or indirectly, for misconduct alleged to have taken place in other countries, such as human rights abuses,” Nevsun says. “Mining companies, in particular, are increasingly facing such claims.”

The Mining Association of Canada, in an intervention in the case, warned that the case could create so much uncertainty for Canadian mining companies that they would not be able to assess their potential liabilities, forcing some to leave developing countries. The reduced investment would harm the people of those countries, it said.

More than half of the world’s publicly listed mining and exploration companies have their headquarters in Canada, the association noted.

But the B.C. Supreme Court, in its 2016 ruling, found there was a “real risk” of an “unfair trial” if the refugees were told to file their claims in Eritrea. They would face punishment if they tried to return to the country, and any Eritrean judge who ruled in their favour “would place his or her career and personal safety in jeopardy,” the court ruled.

Joe Fiorante, a Vancouverbased lawyer for the Eritrean refugees, said this is the first time a human-rights claim against a Canadian company for its overseas activities has made it this far.

“Every attempt prior to this case to bring a human-rights claim against a Canadian company for conduct at an overseas operation has failed to get past the first stage of the test,” he told The Globe in an interview. “It’s been dismissed either for lack of jurisdiction, or the courts of Canada have said this is better dealt with in the foreign court. This is the real first test case. It’s gotten over both of those hurdles.”

In their B.C. court testimony, the Eritrean refugees said they were conscripted under Eritrea’s national service program to work for Segen and another state-controlled company that built the Bisha mine under a contract from Nevsun or its local subsidiary.

They said they were forced to work 10 hours a day, six days a week. They were housed in huts without beds or electricity, and their only food was bread, soup and tea, they said in their affidavits. Their employers controlled them by using deprivation, physical assault, threats and torture, they said.

One of the refugees, Mihretab Yemane Tekle, said he was always very hungry and weak and often sick. With temperatures reaching 47 degrees Celsius and workers fully exposed to the sun, he once saw a co-worker collapse from the heat, he said.

Another man, Gize Yebeyo Araya, said he suffered burns and scars on his face as a result of the intense heat and sun. He said he witnessed co-workers being punished with beatings or left in the hot sun for hours with their hands and feet tied together behind their backs.

The refugees argue that Nevsun was fully aware that Eritrea was a “high-risk zone for humanrights abuses” when it accepted a commercial partnership with the Eritrean government at the Bisha mine. “Eritrea is one of the most repressive states in the world,” they said in their statement to the Supreme Court. “It has no constitution, legislature, elections, political opposition or independent media.”

In the years since the case was first launched, a total of 85 plaintiffs have joined the claim, making similar allegations of humanrights abuses.

Nevsun has denied all of the allegations. In its response to the B.C. legal claim, the mining company said the plaintiffs were never involved in Bisha construction at all. Even if they were, Nevsun said, they were never abused or mistreated, never coerced into labour and never subjected to harsh or dangerous working conditions.

Under the policies of its subsidiary at the mine, Nevsun said, its contractors were required to promise that they weren’t employing any conscripts. It said it took “reasonable steps” to enforce this policy. If any forced labour was occurring, the company said, it was unaware of it and did not condone it.

In 2013, in response to a Human Rights Watch report on evidence of slave labour at the Bisha mine, Nevsun released a statement with a somewhat different version. It said it had first become aware of the forced-labour allegations in early 2009, a few months after the start of construction at the mine, and only then did it obtain a guarantee from Segen that conscripts would not be used at the mine.

“The company expresses regret if certain employees of Segen were conscripts four years ago, in the early part of the Bisha Mine’s construction phase,” Nevsun said in its 2013 statement.

The mine is “required to use Segen for certain construction work at Bisha” and is prohibited from using other subcontractors for such work, it said.

Cliff Davis, president of Nevsun at the time, was asked about the human-rights issues in an interview with The Globe in 2011.

“There are always trade-offs in where you’re working,” he replied. “As a mining company, we shouldn’t be imposing some form of political environment that we’re familiar with.”

In 2014 and 2015, a United Nations inquiry into human rights in Eritrea heard testimony similar to the allegations by the Eritrean refugees in the Nevsun case. Eritrea’s government refused to allow the inquiry to visit the country, but UN investigators talked to 550 witnesses outside the country and found disturbing evidence of forced labour at the Bisha mine.

“Even though Segen tried to conceal their status, the majority of Segen’s ‘workers’ were in fact conscripts performing their national service,” the UN inquiry said in its 2015 report. “The majority of labourers were conscripts whose military units were put at the disposal of Segen by the army.”

Segen even deployed conscripts to build a network of tunnels for future mining operations at the site, the report said, citing testimony by witnesses.

“Compulsory work in underground mines is totally prohibited under international law,” it said.

Working conditions for the conscripts were often “bad and abusive,” the report found. Many were forced to work without safety equipment, and some were subjected to arduous double shifts – long daytime hours of hard manual labour followed by night shifts guarding the camp.

The lack of safety equipment led to fatal accidents, the report said. “Some died, they were not able to breathe,” a former Segen worker told the inquiry. “Others had no uniforms and suffered from chemical burns on the face, hands and body; they did not receive any medical care. A friend was working while oxygen was limited and he died because of it.”

While most of the allegations date back to Bisha’s construction phase, an association of human rights and refugee groups says it found evidence of conscript labour at Bisha as recently as 2016.

A report this year by Eritrea Focus, quoting dozens of former conscripts who escaped to other countries, said the conscripts were often forced to work as many as 12 hours a day at Bisha, 6½ days a week, in hazardous conditions that often caused illness.

“There is rigid enforcement of compulsory labour, and any attempt to escape is punished severely by military-type supervisors,” the report said.

December 29, 2018 News

Source: Globe and Mail

Saturday, December 29, 2018

GEOFFREY YORK
 

ASMARA — The road from Eritrea’s mountain capital to the Red Sea is narrow and dangerous. It descends steeply in switchbacks and hairpin turns, dotted with stone crosses that mark the deaths of drivers who failed to navigate the hazards: rock falls, steep cliffs, wandering goats, herds of camels, troops of baboons.

Now, the mountain road has a new menace: Hundreds of massive, Chinese-made trucks are thundering in a steady procession to the sea, carrying thousands of tonnes of zinc and copper concentrate from a Canadian-owned mine and roaring perilously close to shepherds and village children along the route.

The mine’s majority owner, Vancouver-based Nevsun Resources Ltd., has been warned by its own human-rights auditor – and by the United Nations children’s agency – about the potentially lethal risks of the truck traffic on the mountain road, especially to local children.

Four people have been killed and almost a dozen injured in at least 19 accidents involving the mining trucks in the past five years, according to the auditor. But the trucks are not accountable to Nevsun – they are operated by state-owned Transhorn Trucking, a branch of an authoritarian government with one of the world’s worst human-rights records.

It’s an example of the state partnerships Nevsun has been obliged to accept in Eritrea as part of its profitable mining operation. Those partnerships – especially one with a state-owned construction company that often uses conscript labour – are now coming under increasing scrutiny in Canadian courts.

On Jan. 23, the Supreme Court of Canada will hear arguments from lawyers for Eritrean refugees and from Nevsun itself in a historic test case to determine whether a Canadian company can be sued in Canada over the alleged use of slave labour and other human-rights abuses at an overseas operation. Nevsun and its critics agree on one point: The case will have huge ramifications for Canadian businesses, establishing the extent of their accountability for their overseas investments.

The Bisha mine in Eritrea, originally a gold mine and now producing zinc and copper, is 60-per-cent owned by Nevsun and 40-per-cent owned by the Eritrean government, a brutal dictatorship that has locked up thousands of political prisoners without trial in its 25 years of oneparty rule. Bisha has become the single biggest source of revenue for the government, providing more than $1-billion in taxes and other payments since it started production in 2011. When Bisha was under development from 2008 to 2011, Nevsun’s main partner was a state-controlled company, Segen Construction.

Like many Eritrean state companies, Segen routinely uses conscript labour: workers who are drafted into indefinite service at 18 and forced to toil for the military or the government for as many as 25 years for menial wages. An inquiry by the United Nations has described the system as “enslavement.”

Nevsun acknowledged in 2013 that conscript workers may have been used during the construction of the mine. It said it has since established a screening system to prevent the use of such workers at the mine. And it said the mine is now operating “according to international standards of governance, workplace conditions, health, safety and human rights.”

But outside the mine site, those standards are more difficult to enforce. The trucking contract shows how Nevsun uses a state company for its export operations. In response to questions from The Globe and Mail this month, Nevsun declined to say whether it conducts any detailed monitoring of the trucking company’s daily operations, the fatalities and injuries on its route to the sea port or the compensation paid to its victims.

In interviews with The Globe, several drivers said the trucking company does not use conscripts. But they confirmed that they routinely drive on the hazardous mountain road at night, in shifts as long as 10 hours. They said they are paid about $130 a month, plus a travel allowance.

A 2015 human-rights audit, commissioned by Nevsun and conducted by LKL International Consulting Inc., reported that the Bisha trucks had already been involved in a number of accidents along the road to the Red Sea, including a fatal one. Road safety was an emerging human-rights issue at the mine because of the “significant increase” in the volume of trucks to the sea port and the “ramp-up to round-the-clock hauling of copper concentrate,” the audit said.

“The road safety issue is the area where the Bisha Mine’s operations have the most likely and potentially severe impacts on children,” the audit found. UNICEF had confirmed the risks for children on the truck route, the audit said.

“Heavy truck traffic will likely increase when the mine transitions into the zinc phase,” it said.

“The risk of road accidents will likely increase if roads and bridges along the main route … continue to deteriorate without an increase in maintenance efforts.”

While the mine has safety rules for its vehicles, “it is more difficult to enforce these policies outside the mine site, and there are many variables beyond the company’s control,” the audit said.

It noted that the state company, Transhorn, has installed GPS transmitters on some of its trucks to monitor its drivers. But the Eritrean Police Force “does not appear to do much” to control the speed of the trucks, it said.

Lloyd Lipsett, president of LKL International Consulting, said the number of accidents involving Bisha trucks has increased since the 2015 audit. In an interview with The Globe, he said he will be recommending to Nevsun that the company pay serious attention to the trucking issue. Installing GPS transmitters has failed to solve the problem, he said.

Nevsun also needs to review the issues of fatigue among drivers and their nighttime shifts on the mountain road, Mr. Lipsett said.

He said he has been assured that the victims of accidents or their families are paid compensation. But he acknowledged that he doesn’t know the amount of the payments and recommended a review of compensation practices. “It’s a legitimate question,” he said.

Todd Romaine, vice-president of corporate social responsibility at Nevsun, declined to answer most of The Globe’s questions about his company’s relationship with Transhorn Trucking.

“When off-site, service providers for road haulage have to comply with relevant Eritrean laws and regulations, with any incidents being reported to and investigated by the Eritrean Police Force and dealt with in accordance to Eritrean laws,” Mr.

Romaine said.

In September, Nevsun agreed to a $1.9-billion friendly takeover by a Chinese company, Zijin Mining Group Co. Ltd. The Chinese offer of $6 a share was due to expire on Friday afternoon, paving the way for the takeover to be completed soon. But even with Chinese ownership, the case at the Supreme Court of Canada will continue.

The case was launched by three Eritrean refugees who accuse Nevsun of violating international law against forced labour, slavery and torture. In rulings in 2016 and 2017, the Supreme Court of British Columbia and the B.C. Court of Appeal rejected Nevsun’s argument that the case could only be heard in Eritrea, not in Canada. The company has appealed to the Supreme Court, setting the stage for a crucial ruling on the responsibilities of Canadian mining companies that operate abroad.

In its appeal, Nevsun argues that the legal case by the Eritrean refugees would “magnify the risk” of further claims against Canadian companies. “Canadian courts are seeing growing numbers of claims against local defendants alleging that they are responsible, directly or indirectly, for misconduct alleged to have taken place in other countries, such as human rights abuses,” Nevsun says. “Mining companies, in particular, are increasingly facing such claims.”

The Mining Association of Canada, in an intervention in the case, warned that the case could create so much uncertainty for Canadian mining companies that they would not be able to assess their potential liabilities, forcing some to leave developing countries. The reduced investment would harm the people of those countries, it said.

More than half of the world’s publicly listed mining and exploration companies have their headquarters in Canada, the association noted.

But the B.C. Supreme Court, in its 2016 ruling, found there was a “real risk” of an “unfair trial” if the refugees were told to file their claims in Eritrea. They would face punishment if they tried to return to the country, and any Eritrean judge who ruled in their favour “would place his or her career and personal safety in jeopardy,” the court ruled.

Joe Fiorante, a Vancouverbased lawyer for the Eritrean refugees, said this is the first time a human-rights claim against a Canadian company for its overseas activities has made it this far.

“Every attempt prior to this case to bring a human-rights claim against a Canadian company for conduct at an overseas operation has failed to get past the first stage of the test,” he told The Globe in an interview. “It’s been dismissed either for lack of jurisdiction, or the courts of Canada have said this is better dealt with in the foreign court. This is the real first test case. It’s gotten over both of those hurdles.”

In their B.C. court testimony, the Eritrean refugees said they were conscripted under Eritrea’s national service program to work for Segen and another state-controlled company that built the Bisha mine under a contract from Nevsun or its local subsidiary.

They said they were forced to work 10 hours a day, six days a week. They were housed in huts without beds or electricity, and their only food was bread, soup and tea, they said in their affidavits. Their employers controlled them by using deprivation, physical assault, threats and torture, they said.

One of the refugees, Mihretab Yemane Tekle, said he was always very hungry and weak and often sick. With temperatures reaching 47 degrees Celsius and workers fully exposed to the sun, he once saw a co-worker collapse from the heat, he said.

Another man, Gize Yebeyo Araya, said he suffered burns and scars on his face as a result of the intense heat and sun. He said he witnessed co-workers being punished with beatings or left in the hot sun for hours with their hands and feet tied together behind their backs.

The refugees argue that Nevsun was fully aware that Eritrea was a “high-risk zone for humanrights abuses” when it accepted a commercial partnership with the Eritrean government at the Bisha mine. “Eritrea is one of the most repressive states in the world,” they said in their statement to the Supreme Court. “It has no constitution, legislature, elections, political opposition or independent media.”

In the years since the case was first launched, a total of 85 plaintiffs have joined the claim, making similar allegations of humanrights abuses.

Nevsun has denied all of the allegations. In its response to the B.C. legal claim, the mining company said the plaintiffs were never involved in Bisha construction at all. Even if they were, Nevsun said, they were never abused or mistreated, never coerced into labour and never subjected to harsh or dangerous working conditions.

Under the policies of its subsidiary at the mine, Nevsun said, its contractors were required to promise that they weren’t employing any conscripts. It said it took “reasonable steps” to enforce this policy. If any forced labour was occurring, the company said, it was unaware of it and did not condone it.

In 2013, in response to a Human Rights Watch report on evidence of slave labour at the Bisha mine, Nevsun released a statement with a somewhat different version. It said it had first become aware of the forced-labour allegations in early 2009, a few months after the start of construction at the mine, and only then did it obtain a guarantee from Segen that conscripts would not be used at the mine.

“The company expresses regret if certain employees of Segen were conscripts four years ago, in the early part of the Bisha Mine’s construction phase,” Nevsun said in its 2013 statement.

The mine is “required to use Segen for certain construction work at Bisha” and is prohibited from using other subcontractors for such work, it said.

Cliff Davis, president of Nevsun at the time, was asked about the human-rights issues in an interview with The Globe in 2011.

“There are always trade-offs in where you’re working,” he replied. “As a mining company, we shouldn’t be imposing some form of political environment that we’re familiar with.”

In 2014 and 2015, a United Nations inquiry into human rights in Eritrea heard testimony similar to the allegations by the Eritrean refugees in the Nevsun case. Eritrea’s government refused to allow the inquiry to visit the country, but UN investigators talked to 550 witnesses outside the country and found disturbing evidence of forced labour at the Bisha mine.

“Even though Segen tried to conceal their status, the majority of Segen’s ‘workers’ were in fact conscripts performing their national service,” the UN inquiry said in its 2015 report. “The majority of labourers were conscripts whose military units were put at the disposal of Segen by the army.”

Segen even deployed conscripts to build a network of tunnels for future mining operations at the site, the report said, citing testimony by witnesses.

“Compulsory work in underground mines is totally prohibited under international law,” it said.

Working conditions for the conscripts were often “bad and abusive,” the report found. Many were forced to work without safety equipment, and some were subjected to arduous double shifts – long daytime hours of hard manual labour followed by night shifts guarding the camp.

The lack of safety equipment led to fatal accidents, the report said. “Some died, they were not able to breathe,” a former Segen worker told the inquiry. “Others had no uniforms and suffered from chemical burns on the face, hands and body; they did not receive any medical care. A friend was working while oxygen was limited and he died because of it.”

While most of the allegations date back to Bisha’s construction phase, an association of human rights and refugee groups says it found evidence of conscript labour at Bisha as recently as 2016.

A report this year by Eritrea Focus, quoting dozens of former conscripts who escaped to other countries, said the conscripts were often forced to work as many as 12 hours a day at Bisha, 6½ days a week, in hazardous conditions that often caused illness.

“There is rigid enforcement of compulsory labour, and any attempt to escape is punished severely by military-type supervisors,” the report said.

Lord of Misrule: the presidency of Isaias Afwerki

Saturday, 29 December 2018 21:02 Written by

 

Lord of misrule

There is an ancient European tradition of appointing a ‘master of misrule’ to conduct the celebrations around Christmas and New Year. He was probably a rather jolly figure: sadly the same cannot be said for the Eritrean president. But one thing seems certain – he is someone who thrives on misrule.

Consider this. When Prime Minister Abiy made his pathbreaking visit to Asmara in June this year he received a raptuous reception. Then President Isaias made a similar visit to Addis Ababa. Since then there have been a series of meetings involving Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia. It seemed for a moment that a new era of peace might be dawning.

Peace brings its challenges

But peace might be more difficult for President Isaias than crisis and confrontation.

Without an external threat, why continue indefinite national service in Eritrea? Tens of thousands of young men and women might return to their communities. What work would be found for them and what would happen if they discovered that their future was still bleak?

If there was no threat from Ethiopia pressure would increase for constitutional rule in Eritrea. The National Assembly could be recalled and there would be pressure for the country to hold its first ever elections.

There would also have to be the transfer of border communities all along the Eritrea-Ethiopia border, to conform to the new boundary established between the two countries.

These prospects would have been deeply troubling for President Isaias, who is a past-master at manipulating situations when they are complex, difficult and in crises. Peace and stability would be an entirely new situation for him.

Crises return

Luckily for the president, events have come to his aid.

Ethiopia is in turmoil, with vast numbers of people forced to flee as ethnic groups jostle and fight for their rights as the authoritarian rule from the centre weakens.

The Tigrayans – once such solid allies of Eritreans – are facing threats as their lands are challanged. The TPLF, with whom the EPLF fought side by side to overthrow the Derge, are in real trouble with their neighbours. There is a return to the old hostilities that once set the TPLF and EPLF apart, with the Eritrean authorities now gloating about the problems that beset their southern neighbours.

Meanwhile, Sudan, which closed its border with Eritrea earlier this year, is also in the throes of a crisis.

So President Isaias can end the year quietly satisfied. He has neighbours in crises. He can argue that Eritrea is still facing threats from abroad and cannot afford to relax. Vigilance and patriotism must – once more – trump human rights and democracy.

All this is likely to be reflected in his anticipated New Year’s message.

But who knows? Perhaps this is quite wrong and President Isaias will anounce a programme of radical reform and renewal. The Constitution will be enacted, opposition parties will be allowed to return to the country, political prisoners and journalists liberated from the dungeons in which they languish and free and fair elections will be held.

I am not holding my breath.

We might conclude by recalling a poem of the great Alexandrian, C.P. Cavafy.

Waiting for the Barbarians

 
 
 
 
Translated by Edmund Keeley
What are we waiting for, assembled in the forum?
       The barbarians are due here today.
Why isn’t anything going on in the senate?
Why are the senators sitting there without legislating?
      Because the barbarians are coming today.
      What’s the point of senators making laws now?
      Once the barbarians are here, they’ll do the legislating.
Why did our emperor get up so early,
and why is he sitting enthroned at the city’s main gate,
in state, wearing the crown?
      Because the barbarians are coming today
      and the emperor’s waiting to receive their leader.
      He’s even got a scroll to give him,
      loaded with titles, with imposing names.
Why have our two consuls and praetors come out today
wearing their embroidered, their scarlet togas?
Why have they put on bracelets with so many amethysts,
rings sparkling with magnificent emeralds?
Why are they carrying elegant canes
beautifully worked in silver and gold?
      Because the barbarians are coming today
      and things like that dazzle the barbarians.
Why don’t our distinguished orators turn up as usual
to make their speeches, say what they have to say?
      Because the barbarians are coming today
      and they’re bored by rhetoric and public speaking.
Why this sudden bewilderment, this confusion?
(How serious people’s faces have become.)
Why are the streets and squares emptying so rapidly,
everyone going home lost in thought?
      Because night has fallen and the barbarians haven’t come.
      And some of our men just in from the border say
      there are no barbarians any longer.
Now what’s going to happen to us without barbarians?
Those people were a kind of solution.

Eritrea has partially closed two border crossings with Ethiopia that opened this year after the former East African rivals made peace and restored relations, an Ethiopian official said Friday.

Thousands of people have crossed the border that had been closed for two decades, with traders pursuing brisk business and families reuniting after years apart. The crossings opened with fanfare in September as both countries said they would remove their troops.

It was not clear why Eritrea closed the crossings to Ethiopians, spokeswoman Liya Kassa with Ethiopia's northern Tigray region told The Associated Press. She said Eritreans were still crossing freely.

 

The Zalambessa and Rama crossings were closed as of Wednesday morning and preliminary information "indicates it was closed from the Eritrean side," she said.

Eritrean border officials are now asking Ethiopian travelers to provide a travel document issued by federal authorities, she said. "We have communicated the issue with the federal government and we were told they don't have any information about it," she added. "Only Ethiopians are facing the restrictions."

Eritrean officials were not immediately available for comment.

Ethiopia's foreign ministry spokesman on Thursday told reporters he had no information about the new border restrictions. Photos posted on social media show stranded buses and trucks at the two crossings.

Abraham Gedamu, an Ethiopian traveler who went to Zalambessa to cross into Eritrea for a religious event, said he was denied entry on Thursday morning.

"They said I have to wait because they are drawing up a new travel directive. Several hundred others are facing the same issue," he told the AP by phone.

Ethiopia and Eritrea restored relations in June after Ethiopia's new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, assumed power in April and fully accepted a peace deal ending a bloody border war from 1998 to 2000. Dramatic changes followed, with Abiy and longtime Eritrea President Isaias Afwerki visiting each other's capitals and embracing while phone lines opened and air links resumed.

The international community welcomed the new peace that has led to further diplomatic breakthroughs in the often turbulent Horn of Africa region. In November, the U.N. Security Council voted unanimously to lift sanctions against Eritrea after nearly a decade.

"Eritrea recognizes that a more difficult and complex task is waiting ahead," Eritrea's Charge d'Affaires Amanuel Giorgio said after the council's vote. "It is determined to redouble its own efforts and work closely with its neighbors to build a region at peace with itself."

Source=https://www.foxnews.com/world/eritrea-closes-border-crossings-to-ethiopian-travelers

Eritrea denies planning to send troops to Somalia

Thursday, 27 December 2018 20:27 Written by

December 27, 2018 News

The Eritrean government has finally given a definitive answer to the question of whether it will send its forces into Somalia.

This follows the publication of a story in Africa Confidential.

The Ministry of Information put out this statement:

Indian Ocean Newsletter: Yet another Wild Allegation

In its publication of 21 December, (No 1488), this month, the Indian Ocean Newsletter alleges that “the Ethiopian and Eritrean Presidents (sic?)  have indicated to their Somalian counterpart… their willingness to take over from AMISOM when it departs in 2021…..Eritrea is planning to dispatch 5,000 soldiers to Somalia as soon as the first AMISOM contingents leave in February”.

This is patently false.

Moreover, this is not the first time for the ION to churn out false and unsubstantiated “news analysis” of events and trends in our region.  Indeed, this has become almost its trademark.

The ION’s penchant to disseminate false information will not serve any purpose and can only corrode its reputation.  In the event, we call on the ION to respect its readers and desist from spreading false news.

Ministry of Information
Asmara
26 December 2018″

A denial a month late

What is odd about the Ministry of Information statement (echoed by Tesfanews) is that it is so slow.

The story on this website [reproduced below] was published a month earlier. It would have been easy for the Ministry to correct any misperception then: it chose to wait until Africa Confidential ran with the story. Fair enough – that is the Ministry’s choice, but it can’t complain when a) it is so late with any news and b) refuses to have any reputable foreign news correspondent based in the country. All foreign news organisations – including the BBC, Reuters, AFP, AP, Al-Jazeera etc. – are only allowed into Eritrea on an occational basis.

For the record, the article published on this website made it clear in its first sentence that there was no firm evidence of Eritrean troops being deployed to Somalia – only signs that Somalia might issue such an invitation. [reproduced in full below]


There is no firm evidence, but the signs are that Somalia may be about to invite Ethiopia and Eritrea to send troops into its territory to replace the African Union’s AMISOM forces that are due to depart.

If this is confirmed, then the discussions between Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea in the Ethiopian town of Bahr Dar on 9th of November might be among the most important held in the region in recent years. They could see a re-shaping of the political relations in the Horn of Africa.

The three leaders, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, and President Isaias Afwerki were not in the city to enjoy the tourist sites on Lake Tana and the Blue Nile. At the end of their talks they signed an agreement.

These were the key sentences.

“They noted with satisfaction the tangible and positive outcomes already registered, and agreed to consolidate their mutual solidarity and support in addressing challenges that they face individually and collectively. In this regard, they stressed the importance of respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Somalia as well as their firm support for the Somalia people and Federal Government of Somalia and all its institution.”

This was hardly transparent, but they may presage an invitation from the Somali government for Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers to be based on its territory.

A brief recap

The African Union Mission in Somalia – AMISOM – is going ahead with plans to withdraw its troops in February next year. By December 2020, all AMISOM combat troops are scheduled to leave all of Somalia’s cities, towns, and villages that they’ve liberated from the al-Shabaab terrorist organization.

Amisom Somalia

Troops from Uganda, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya and Burundi, are currently deployed across the country, funded by EU and UN.

They fight alongside the Somali National Army, and continue to take casualties. They protect the Somali government and keep roads connecting the Somali capital to the regions. Their forces have liberated towns from al-Shabaab including Mogadishu, Kisimayo, Beletweyne and Baidoa.

Backed by US air and drone strikes, they have held al-Shabaab at bay. But the Islamists are by no means defeated.

Progress has been slow and difficult. “Somalia is like cleaning a pig,” one Ugandan AMISOM colonel told a reporter Foreign Policy. “You clean it, and it gets dirty.”

Everyone has attempted to train the Somali army. Turkey has a military academy, so too does Qatar. Egypt, Britain and the USA provide training. But what have they achieved? Arms and ammunition supplied to the Somali national army disappear – only to re-appear on the hands of al-Shabaab. The army’s communications systems are tapped by the Islamists.

Without AMISOM can President Farmajo survive?

This is an issue for the whole of the region and beyond. Keeping Islamists at bay has been a critical element in the American war on terrorism.

The US effort has been bolstered by the deployment of one of its most respected and knowledgeable diplomat  to the region.

Donald Yamamoto is the new ambassador to Somalia, and he is a heavyweight. Yamamoto played a key role in the reconcilliation between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

He was joined in Mogadishu by the head of US Africa Command in Mogadishu, General Thomas Waldhauser.

USA Somalia

So, will Ethiopia and Eritrea ride to the rescue?

As indicated at the start of this article there is no hard evidence. But with AMISOM winding down its operation, there are suggestions that Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed that his forces establish a military base inside Somali during the talks at Bahir Dar. President Farmajo is said to have agreed to the idea, with the town of Merca as a possible site.

The idea of Ethiopian forces being in Somalia has been around for nearly two decades. It was in November 2000 that the then Somali President, Abdiqassim Salad Hassan visited his opposite number, Meles Zenawi. It was the first visit to Ethiopia by a Somali head of state since 1974.

Since then Ethiopian troops have been in and out of Somalia, attempting to resist Islamist insurgents and – more recently – to bolster the Somali government.

For its part, Eritrea has played a double role in Somalia. There is evidence that it provided training and arms for al-Shabaab until this was uncovered by UN Monitors in 2011.

As their report stated: “While the Eritrean Government acknowledges that it maintains relationships with Somali armed opposition groups, including Al-Shabaab, it denies that it provides any military, material or financial support and says its links are limited to a political, and even humanitarian, nature.” The UN exposure did the trick and the Eritrean backing for al-Shabaab ended.

Now, it appears, President Isaias is considering sending his forces into Somalia to support President Farmajo.

Eritrea Somalia 1

Their forces could be joined by the Ugandans, who are already supplying most of the AMISOM troops. A visit to Kampala in November appears to have cemented these ties.

If all these developments come together it is possible to imagine the following:

  • Eritrean and Ethiopian forces replacing AMISOM, with a continuing Ugandan presence.
  • Ongoing backing for the Somali government by the various outside powers, including the USA, UK and Turkey.
  • The retention of Kenyan forces in Jubaland, which they have controlled since 2011.

Will this be enough to keep President Farmajo in power? Perhaps. It is hard to be more definitive when so much is still up in the air.

27 000 Eritreans 'seeking refugee status' in Ethiopia

Thursday, 27 December 2018 15:20 Written by

AFP

19:13 21/12/2018

More than 27 500 Eritreans have filed for refugee status in Ethiopia since the two countries reopened their joint border in September, according to EU documents seen by AFP on Friday.

More than 24 000 people from northern Eritrea have applied for refugee status at Endabaguna, in the Ethiopian border region of Tigray, and another 3 500 have done so in Afar region farther east, according to a map by the European Commission Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO).

Eritrea, ruled by President Isaias Afwerki since 1993, has been fiercely criticised by rights watchdogs, especially over reports of arbitrary arrest and detention, bans on certain religious faiths and open-ended military conscription.

Hundreds of thousands have fled the country in recent years, many of them taking the perilous cross-Mediterranean route to Europe.

As of August 31, there were 174,000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia, according to the ECHO document.

The border opened on September 12, marking a new phase in rapprochement since reformist Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in April.

In July, the two countries signed a peace agreement that put a formal end to two decades of war.

But the remarkable warming in diplomatic ties has yet to be matched by domestic change in Eritrea - a situation that helps explain the exodus to Ethiopia, say analysts.

In October, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said the number of Eritreans seeking refugee in Ethiopia had surged from an average of 53 per day to 390.

Sourcce=https://m.news24.com/Africa/News/27-000-eritreans-seeking-refugee-status-in-ethiopia-20181221

 

Sudanese demonstrators run from teargas lobbed by police during an anti-government march in Khartoum on December 25

Sudanese demonstrators run from teargas lobbed by police during an anti-government march in Khartoum on December 25

One of Sudan's ruling parties has demanded an inquest into the killing of anti-government protesters amid mounting pressure on long-serving dictator Omar Bashir to resign.

Idris Suleman, a senior member of the Islamist Popular Congress Party, said on Wednesday that his party's reports indicated that 17 people have been "martyred" and 88 wounded in the protests that have swept the country over the past week. 

 

"We call on the government to launch an investigation into the killings," Mr Suleman said at a press conference in Khartoum. "Those who committed these killings must be held accountable."

Protests against rising prices and shortages of food and fuel first broke out in the city of Atabara on December 19, and rapidly spread to other cities and escalated into demands that Bashir step down.

Several protests have ended in violent crackdowns by security services. 

The Popular Congress Party is a member of Mr Bashir's government and its previous leader played a key role in putting Mr Bashir in power in a military coup in 1989. 

Omar Bashir, right, with Syria's Bashar Assad in Damascus on December 16.  Omar Bashir, right, with Syria's Bashar Assad in Damascus on December 16.  Credit: SANA via AP

Mr Suleman's intervention came a day after a senior Sudanese military commander appeared to endorse the protests. 

Mohammed Hamdan Dagolo, who commands a para-military unit called the Rapid Support Forces, was filmed on Tuesday telling several thousand troops that they should show "solidarity" with the Sudanese people and that the government is to blame for the inflation that sparked nation-wide protests last week. 

Gen Dagolo is a former commander of the Janjaweed militia who took part in the genocide in Darfur. 

Mr Bashir, who has ruled Sudan for 29 years, on Tuesday said he would defy calls to resign and suggested demonstrators who took to the streets over spiraling food prices are directed by foreign powers. 

 

"You are the ones responding to them right now. From here, you are responding to all the traitors and foreign agents. I support you. And with your support, I will be back here next year," he told supporters at a rally south of Khartoum on Tuesday. 

Security forces used teargas and fired rifles in the air to disperse protesters attempting to march on the presidential palace in Khartoum to demand the resignation of Bashir on Tuesday. 

Organizers claimed police also used live rounds and that eight people had suffered gunshot wounds. The claim could not be immediately verified. 

A further protester was reported to have died of his wounds after being shot in the head in the city of Gadaref earlier in the week, protest leaders said.    

Video purporting to show hundreds of people on the streets chanting the "people want to bring down the regime," a slogan from the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, emerged from Khartoum on Tuesday afternoon. 

Anti government protesters demanding Omar Bashir step down march through Khartoum on December 25 Anti government protesters demanding Omar Bashir step down march through Khartoum on December 25 Credit: Sudanese Activist via AP

The march, which was organised by a coalition of trade unions and the country's two biggest opposition parties, was meant to to present a petition at the presidential palace demanding Bashir stand aside for a "transitional government of technocrats."

There was a heavy security presence in Khartoum on Wednesday but no further protests. 

Sudanese officials have said at least 12 people have died since the beginning of the protests. Amnesty International said on Monday that it had received "credible" reports that 37 people had been killed by security forces since protests began. 

The United States, Britain, Norway and Canada said in a joint statement on Monday that they were concerned by reports security forces have used live ammunition. 

Bashir, 74,  has ruled Sudan since he seized power from an elected but ineffectual government in a military coup in 1989. 

He has been accused of multiple human rights abuses, including directing the killing of civilians in Darfur in the 2000s, and is wanted by the International Criminal Court in the Hague on multiple charges war crimes and genocide.

Source=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/12/26/sudan-ruling-party-demands-investigation-killings-anti-government/amp/

December 26, 2018 News

The attack on General Sebhat Efrem is only the latest attempt to end the Eritrean dictatorship. There have been several attempts to oust President Isias Afwerki. This runs against the grain of the propaganda put out by the Eritrean government.

The official portrayal of the president is of a man who is so certain that he enjoys the support of his people that he thinks nothing of strolling into any bar in Asmara to have a beer or a coffee with ordinary men and women. Not for him the phalanx of bodyguards used by other African heads of state. Isaias Afwerki is a simple man, who does not require armed guards, outriders or convoys of cars with blue lights flashing to travel around the country.

It is a myth.

In reality Eritrea is ruled through fear. Networks of informers have been in place for years. Some go back to before the liberation of Eritrea in 1991. This includes ‘zero three’ – the notorious rumour mill, designed to undermine the reputation of anyone who opposes Isaias.

This is a partial list of attempts to end Isaias Afwerki’s rule.

  1. The Menqa (Tigrinya for bat, or ‘those who move about at night.’) This group of left wing opponents developed between 1973-74. Led by Mussie Tesfamikael, and school-mate and close friend of Isaias it called for more democratic systems of accountability for the leadership of the liberation movement and greater respect for the rights of the fighters. They were arrested and tried in June 1974. At least five were executed – others were jailed for many years.
  2. On 24 May 1991 the fighters of the EPLF finally liberated Asmara – to the joy of the vast majority of the city’s population. It was the end of 30 years of armed struggle. But many fighters were not demobilised. Instead, they were told they had to continue serving their country without pay, as they had done during the liberation struggle. In April 1993, shortly before the referendum to endorse Eritrea’s independence there was a brief revolt. Troops drove around the city, demanding that Isaias come and talk to them. This he did, but when they returned to their bases they were rounded up. More than 100 were court martialed – some were shot.
  3. In 1994 a march by disabled fighters into Asmara was fired on by the police and members of the security services. Although not an uprising, it was a sign of discontent.
  4. In September 2001, after the tragic border war between Eritrea and Ethiopia [1998 – 2000], President Isaias was challenged by some of his closest associates. This is what Human Rights Watch wrote: “Eritrean security forces arrested 11 of the 15 high-ranking government officials (the “G-15”) who had signed letters to the president complaining he was “acting without restraint, even illegally.” They called for the legislature to be convened regularly, as well as for elections and political parties – none of which had been permitted since Eritrea’s 1993 independence from Ethiopia. They asked that a Special Court, created by Isaias and reporting to him alone, be dismantled. That same month, the government destroyed Eritrea’s independent press, arresting ten leading journalists, leaving government-run media as the sole domestic news source. All reporting on the G-15 complaints and other discontent with Isaias’s rule ended. Since then, those officials and journalists, along with other political prisoners, have remained in incommunicado detention in a remote concentration camp called Eiraeiro. None have been brought to trial. The only one seen in public since 2002 is Dawit Isaac, a journalist who was admitted to the hospital in 2005.”
  5. On 13th of August 2009 an assassination attempt was carried out against the president. First lieutenant Daniel Habte Yihdego,opened fire on the president on the road between Asmara and the port city of Massawa at a local area called Atal. After an exchange of fire with president’s personal body guards he was killed.
  6. 0n 21 January 2013, around 100-200 Eritrean soldiers launched an attempt to oust the president when they advanced on Asmara with tanks. They took over the area known as Forto, occupying the radio and television station. The rebels attempted to negotiate with forces loyal to Isaias, rather than shell their own capital. Finally the coup attempt collapsed. Those involved were brutally dealt with.

The attack on General Sebhat is the latest in the line of attempts to oust the president. None have so far succeeded. There have – of course – been other attempts by Eritrean movements to oust the government by force, but these were internal challenges to the regime.

The Eritrean government propaganda that President Isaias is universally loved is contradicted by the evidence.

 

Source: Globe and Mail

 

Workers and visitors walk within the processing plant at the Bisha Mining Share Company, in Eritrea, on Feb. 18, 2016.

 

 Thomas Mukoya/Reuters

Yacob, a thin young man in jeans and a T-shirt, glances nervously at the café entrance as he confesses to the crime that could send him to prison at any moment: He has dared to walk away from his mandatory assignment to a menial government job.

Instead of toiling at his conscripted job, Yacob uses illegal U.S. currency to buy smuggled cellphones, which he sells to customers at a tiny shop in Asmara, the Eritrean capital. To dodge prison, he avoids the streets late at night, when police could check his documents and demand proof that he is complying with his compulsory state service.

“It scares the hell out of me even to talk to you,” he says, watching the café door for anyone who might spot him talking to a foreigner.

“There is no freedom here. You can’t hide anything from the government. If they know you have dollars in your pocket, you go to prison. If they want to get you, they can get you in a second. And in prison, they torture you.”

Eritrea, an arid and impoverished country on the Red Sea, remains the most isolated and tightly controlled dictatorship in Africa – despite political changes in the Horn of Africa that have sparked growing demands for a loosening of the chains.

Sometimes called the North Korea of Africa, although the analogy is imperfect, Eritrea has never held a national election since its independence referendum in 1993. Much of the private economy is banned, thousands of prisoners are held incommunicado for years without trial and most adults are conscripted into service in the military or government for indefinite terms that can continue for 20 years or more.

These abuses are largely hidden from the global spotlight. Most foreign media outlets are routinely barred from entering Eritrea, with their visa requests ignored or rejected. Even if they manage to visit Asmara, they are prohibited from travelling outside the capital without a travel permit, which can be impossible to obtain. The regime is so secretive that it would not confirm the attempted assassination of a senior cabinet minister on Dec. 19, despite widespread reports in foreign media.

But after repeated attempts, The Globe and Mail was recently allowed to visit Eritrea for a week. In dozens of interviews, ordinary Eritreans spoke of their frustration at the conscription rules, their continuing fear of the regime and their dreams of freedom to travel or open their own businesses – basic rights that are often prohibited here.

A Canadian company has played a key role in propping up the Eritrean regime. For years, Vancouver-based miner Nevsun Resources has been Eritrea’s biggest private investor. Its mine is the government’s largest single source of revenue, providing more than $1-billion in taxes and other official payments. But its activities in Eritrea will soon become a crucial test case for Canadian corporate responsibility. Next month, the Supreme Court of Canada will hear a landmark case on whether Canadian courts have jurisdiction over legal claims against Nevsun for alleged slave labour and human-rights abuses at its Eritrean subsidiary.

Nevsun owns 60 per cent of Eritrea’s first modern mine, the Bisha gold and copper mine, in partnership with the state. In the past, it has acknowledged that conscripts at a state-owned company may have worked at Bisha in 2009 during its construction phase. It says it has obtained assurances that no conscripts are now being used at the mine. After three Eritrean refugees filed suit against Nevsun in 2014, the B.C. Court of Appeal dismissed Nevsun’s argument that the case should be heard in Eritrea rather than Canada. The company has appealed to the Supreme Court.

As the winds of change sweep through the Horn of Africa, Eritrea faces enormous pressure to open up its system to the outside world for the first time in decades. There is growing impatience and frustration among Eritreans as they watch the dramatic reforms introduced by a dynamic new leader in neighbouring Ethiopia.

Those changes have led to a peace agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia and the opening of their border to trade. At the same time, the United Nations has lifted its sanctions on the Eritrean leadership, offering an olive branch to the regime. The peace agreement and the lifting of sanctions have removed two of the main pretexts for Eritrea’s conscription policy. So far, however, the repressive system has remained unchanged, while the desperation of its people increases.

Portraits of Eritrea’s President and Ethiopia’s Prime Minister hang in a gift shop in Asmara, the Eritrean capital.

MAHEDER HAILESELASSIE TADESE/AFP/Getty Images

Despite its tiny economy and its small population of about four million, Eritrea holds an outsized importance on the African continent. Its location on the Red Sea, gateway to the Suez Canal for 8 per cent of global shipping traffic and 2.5 per cent of the world’s oil output, gives it a strategic value to the world’s superpowers. Its ports have long been attractive to larger countries. A senior U.S. diplomat, Assistant Secretary of State Tibor Nagy, visited Eritrea in early December – one of the highest-ranking U.S. visits in the past decade.

Eritrea, located near the hot spots of Yemen and Somalia, has played a role in several regional conflicts in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. One of its Middle Eastern neighbours, the United Arab Emirates, has already opened a naval base in Eritrea, allowing its troops and military aircraft to strike targets in Yemen in the current war there. Until recently, the UN has accused Eritrea of providing weapons to Islamist militants in Somalia. Eritrea has also been among the leading sources of migrants to Europe, leading to an outpouring of development aid from the European Union to try to stem the migration flow.

First-time Eritrean asylum applicants in Europe, by destination country
Germany
Switzerland
Sweden
Italy
Rest of Europe

 

02,0004,0006,0008,0002008200920102011201220132014201520162017301509595370

THE GLOBE AND MAIL, SOURCE: EUROSTAT
data
share
×
GEO/TIME Germany Switzerland Sweden Italy Rest of Europe
2008-01-01 30 150 95 95 370
2008-02-01 15 85 60 25 350
2008-03-01 10 110 70 15 280
2008-04-01 25 135 40 10 300
2008-05-01 10 100 60 85 335
2008-06-01 20 150 60 50 365
2008-07-01 20 160 60 425 325
2008-08-01 15 215 85 815 420
2008-09-01 20 325 70 520 500
2008-10-01 35 405 95 465 470
2008-11-01 30 490 90 310 475
2008-12-01 15 505 85 110 390
2009-01-01 25 520 70 40 415
2009-02-01 15 175 50 10 345
2009-03-01 20 80 60 10 410
2009-04-01 25 80 60 25 405
2009-05-01 20 90 55 30 380
2009-06-01 30 85 85 15 350
2009-07-01 45 80 100 75 615
2009-08-01 35 95 90 15 525
2009-09-01 30 95 135 60 535
2009-10-01 25 90 95 195 490
2009-11-01 45 125 100 340 400
2009-12-01 40 115 130 50 435
2010-01-01 40 75 110 15 255
2010-02-01 35 110 105 10 230
2010-03-01 40 120 135 30 255
2010-04-01 25 125 110 15 225
2010-05-01 30 120 90 15 275
2010-06-01 40 140 95 10 290
2010-07-01 60 135 125 55 360
2010-08-01 55 205 160 5 410
2010-09-01 75 170 140 5 355
2010-10-01 80 160 150 10 305
2010-11-01 55 170 130 5 345
2010-12-01 105 175 110 10 325
2011-01-01 75 185 140 5 260
2011-02-01 55 260 125 10 240
2011-03-01 50 260 130 10 260
2011-04-01 35 370 110 125 600
2011-05-01 60 535 165 230 375
2011-06-01 40 225 105 35 355
2011-07-01 65 160 85 30 315
2011-08-01 55 235 225 15 335
2011-09-01 50 240 175 20 370
2011-10-01 55 235 165 20 295
2011-11-01 50 270 140 20 235
2011-12-01 45 255 140 10 265
2012-01-01 45 355 145 5 225
2012-02-01 50 320 135 5 170
2012-03-01 55 430 130 15 215
2012-04-01 35 345 105 5 190
2012-05-01 40 425 120 10 190
2012-06-01 35 485 145 35 345
2012-07-01 55 435 210 35 340
2012-08-01 70 335 280 20 295
2012-09-01 35 325 285 40 440
2012-10-01 70 335 335 215 390
2012-11-01 105 290 265 235 505
2012-12-01 60 220 250 105 275
2013-01-01 55 215 230 200 330
2013-02-01 65 160 185 80 275
2013-03-01 55 155 200 160 280
2013-04-01 65 185 150 100 240
2013-05-01 50 165 175 90 295
2013-06-01 25 170 180 60 340
2013-07-01 140 270 410 265 930
2013-08-01 255 265 625 420 1195
2013-09-01 625 215 675 165 880
2013-10-01 705 265 710 210 840
2013-11-01 915 200 520 280 655
2013-12-01 660 225 505 70 565
2014-01-01 510 180 325 70 610
2014-02-01 220 150 190 50 345
2014-03-01 225 170 255 70 490
2014-04-01 475 255 540 45 1700
2014-05-01 1225 385 1030 25 2940
2014-06-01 1335 1015 1845 20 1315
2014-07-01 2010 1465 2510 65 1700
2014-08-01 1995 1145 1720 5 1465
2014-09-01 1710 885 1160 20 1435
2014-10-01 1520 700 800 40 1095
2014-11-01 1265 290 405 40 645
2014-12-01 710 175 270 25 540
2015-01-01 695 135 185 30 515
2015-02-01 405 155 170 40 350
2015-03-01 360 250 205 40 485
2015-04-01 430 220 395 25 850
2015-05-01 650 800 1045 15 2440
2015-06-01 1115 2190 965 40 2295
2015-07-01 1310 2120 815 25 2385
2015-08-01 1210 1605 865 25 2720
2015-09-01 1305 1370 750 20 1905
2015-10-01 1405 590 750 210 2460
2015-11-01 1300 260 230 120 655
2015-12-01 690 165 145 110 715
2016-01-01 810 220 95 110 495
2016-02-01 1175 170 85 305 420
2016-03-01 995 220 80 90 495
2016-04-01 1320 185 50 250 480
2016-05-01 1150 285 75 680 360
2016-06-01 1940 495 50 1215 460
2016-07-01 1885 725 45 1240 605
2016-08-01 2115 760 75 840 640
2016-09-01 2000 615 50 730 650
2016-10-01 1755 470 40 800 835
2016-11-01 2085 480 60 665 630
2016-12-01 1630 410 35 475 855
2017-01-01 1115 315 35 600 790
2017-02-01 1260 285 40 350 640
2017-03-01 1165 300 45 215 720
2017-04-01 930 240 45 305 615
2017-05-01 825 200 45 365 665
2017-06-01 995 315 220 745 500
2017-07-01 775 300 155 970 440
2017-08-01 475 240 175 1205 535
2017-09-01 645 245 290 1300 585
2017-10-01 695 255 260 120 625
2017-11-01 550 250 185 70 500
2017-12-01 795 210 35 130 410
2018-01-01 555 235 190 160 640
2018-02-01 425 285 35 180 465
2018-03-01 810 250 60 180 600
2018-04-01 835 220 50 65 555
2018-05-01 515 235 55 45 685
2018-06-01 510 190 50 35 720
2018-07-01 370 240 60 60 895
2018-08-01 380 175 50 20 735
2018-09-01 325 135 60 35 625
2018-10-01 295 220     240

First-time Eritrean asylum applicants in Europe, by destination country

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https://s3.amazonaws.com/chartprod/S4N4h4Ru47sKM9SjN/thumbnail.png

 

Eritrea’s system of mandatory labour – known as “national service” – remains pervasive in the country today, almost two decades after the end of the border wars with Ethiopia that were cited to justify the policy. “It turned into slavery,” one Eritrean told me.

National service is officially limited to 18 months, yet in practice, it often continues indefinitely, leaving many Eritreans locked into unlimited servitude for as little as $2 a day.

“Vision through toil,” the government exhorts its citizens in propaganda posters throughout the country, illustrated by images of industrious factory workers and mine workers. Jobs and travel require proof that citizens have fulfilled their national-service obligations.

An inquiry by the UN in 2016 concluded that the national-service system amounted to “enslavement.” Conscripts are sometimes subjected to 72-hour work weeks and physical abuse.

“There have to be changes,” says Abraham, a middle-aged man nursing a glass of tea in an Asmara café. “If there are no changes, we can’t survive – it’s over, we are finished.”

He blames the country’s long-ruling regime for killing the economy by banning private construction and imposing indefinite conscription. Like many Eritreans, he spends hours on satellite TV watching the speeches of Ethiopia’s new 42-year-old Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, who has brought extraordinary changes to Ethiopia’s political and economic landscape. “We need a young smart leader like Abiy,” he says.

“Abiy is a brilliant man. I admire him so much. When he came to Asmara, people were crying with joy. That’s the kind of leader we need.”

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed talk during the inauguration of a hospital in northern Ethiopia, on Nov. 10, 2018.

EDUARDO SOTERAS/AFP/Getty Images

For many Eritreans, one of the biggest grievances is the ban on private construction, which has meant a housing shortage and soaring rental costs. “Your salary is 2,000 nakfa a month [about $175] and your living costs are 4,000 [nafka] a month,” Abraham says.

 

Zemen, a middle-aged woman who sells tea and coffee in a tent in an outdoor market, says her biggest dream is that the unlimited conscription system will be ended. Her 26-year-old daughter and 20-year-old son are serving in Eritrea’s army with no end in sight. Her daughter has served five years in a faraway district, while her son has served two years, and nobody knows when they will be home.

“This is the biggest question that everyone has,” she says. “It’s been very difficult to see my children constantly separated from me. I miss them a lot. I want them to come home and get married and build their own lives.”

She says she can’t understand why the national-service system is still imposed. “The conflict with Ethiopia is over. Ethiopia is not a threat now. So people are asking, ‘Why does the government need to keep people for longer than 18 months?’”

For fear of imprisonment, ordinary Eritreans are unwilling to be identified when they discuss politics with a foreign visitor. One man recalled how he was jailed for two weeks for speaking to a foreign journalist. Others said that they have been interrogated and threatened by the secret police for working with foreigners. To protect their identities, The Globe has used only first names in this article, omitting any identifying details and sometimes changing their names to ensure that they cannot be tracked down by the regime.

“Don’t write my name,” one panicky Eritrean man says when he saw me jotting down notes.

“They could be following us and we wouldn’t even know,” another warns.

Eritrea ranks 179th out of 180 countries on press freedom index, 2018
A lower score corresponds to greater freedom of the press
Top 10
Bottom 10

North Korea (180)Eritrea (179)Turkmenistan (178)Syria (177)China (176)Vietnam (175)Sudan (174)Djibouti (173)Cuba (172)Equatorial Guinea (171)Costa Rica (10)Denmark (9)New Zealand (8)Belgium (7)Jamaica (6)Switzerland (5)Finland (4)Netherlands (3)Sweden (2)Norway (1)7.638.3110.0110.2611.2711.3313.1613.6213.9914.0166.4768.9070.7771.1375.0578.2979.2284.2084.2488.87

THE GLOBE AND MAIL, SOURCE: REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS
data
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Country Top 10 Bottom 10
Norway (1) 7.63 0
Sweden (2) 8.31 0
Netherlands (3) 10.01 0
Finland (4) 10.26 0
Switzerland (5) 11.27 0
Jamaica (6) 11.33 0
Belgium (7) 13.16 0
New Zealand (8) 13.62 0
Denmark (9) 13.99 0
Costa Rica (10) 14.01 0
Equatorial Guinea (171) 0 66.47
Cuba (172) 0 68.9
Djibouti (173) 0 70.77
Sudan (174) 0 71.13
Vietnam (175) 0 75.05
China (176) 0 78.29
Syria (177) 0 79.22
Turkmenistan (178) 0 84.2
Eritrea (179) 0 84.24
North Korea (180) 0 88.87

Eritrea ranks 179th out of 180 countries on press freedom index, 2018

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Government officials were also reluctant to talk to The Globe. Those who did talk were scathing in their attacks on Eritrea’s critics – especially the Eritrean emigrants who became activists after migrating to countries such as Canada.

“Those people sitting in Canada eating ice cream are trouble makers, trying to blackmail us,” says Mokonen Goitom, a senior official in Eritrea’s Culture and Sports Commission. “They are lazy people who sit in bars and criticize the government.”

Asked about the conscription system and when it might finally be limited, he insisted that Ethiopia is still a potential threat to Eritrea, despite the peace agreement in July. And if national service is to be ended, he says, the government must provide jobs and houses to those who leave their assigned posts. “Change is a slow process.”

Ethiopia, with its internal factional struggles and its population of more than 100 million, could still turn against its smaller neighbour, Mr. Goitom says. “We are four million people against 100 million. Do people want us to be kicked by Ethiopia? There is no political stability in Ethiopia, so we have to be very patient.”

The tower of a Catholic cathedral looms over Asmara. A succession of foreign empires – Egyptian, Ottaman, Italian and Ethiopian – have laid claim to Eritrea over the centuries.

MAHEDER HAILESELASSIE TADESE/AFP/Getty Images

Two men talk in front of a cinema in Asmara. The capital’s architecture and Italian signs bear the legacy of decades of colonial occupation.

MAHEDER HAILESELASSIE TADESE/AFP/Getty Images

Train tracks lead toward Asmara through Old Massawa.

MAHEDER HAILESELASSIE TADESE/AFP/Getty Images

Eritrea, whose name is based on the Greek term for the Red Sea, has a tangled history of domination by foreign powers. It was once a series of independent kingdoms and sultanates that fell under the control of Ottoman, Egyptian and Ethiopian rulers. In the late 19th century, after the Suez Canal opened, Italy began acquiring territory on the coast, including two ports. Eritrea soon became the first Italian colony, and Italy’s colonial rule expanded into the highlands, including Asmara.

By the 1890s, Italian soldiers were killing hundreds of rebels and committing atrocities to entrench colonial rule. By the 1930s, under Benito Mussolini’s fascist rule, a system of apartheid was in place, with strict racial segregation enforced in schools, restaurants, hotels and cinemas.

The legacy of Italian colonialism is still vividly seen in Asmara today, with crumbling Art Deco and Modernist architecture across the city, but Italian dominance stoked a strong yearning for independence. “In its day, it was the most racist regime in Africa,” British author Michela Wrong wrote in her portrait of the country, I Didn’t Do It for You: How the World Used and Abused a Small African Nation.

“When a white man walked along the street, you always followed a couple of steps behind, never alongside,” an elderly Eritrean told her.

In the early 1940s, after Italy’s military defeat, the country came under British administration, but the racial laws remained in place. The British dismantled and hauled away much of the Italian infrastructure in Eritrea, including factories and port docks, and then allowed the United Nations to hand the country over to Ethiopian control.

In the 1950s, Eritrea became the site of a key Cold War spy station for the United States, adding to its strategic value. Ethiopia increasingly tightened its grip, until an Eritrean rebellion erupted in 1961, igniting a 30-year fight for independence. The struggle, known as Africa’s longest war, was waged by Eritrean guerrillas who dug themselves into mountainsides and built underground hospitals and schools to resist the much larger Ethiopian army. An estimated 150,000 to 200,000 Eritreans died from conflict and famine.

After winning independence in 1993, Eritrea was peaceful for only five years before a border dispute sparked another war with Ethiopia, killing another 80,000 fighters on both sides over the next two years. The war ended in a peace agreement but no permanent treaty, and the border tensions continued as Ethiopia refused to accept a UN-brokered border deal.

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, who has ruled since independence, has used conscription and a brutal crackdown on dissent as part of his strategy to keep the country on a war footing. A former political commissar in the guerrilla army, the 72-year-old President is an austere and reclusive figure. Unlike the dictators of North Korea and other countries, he has eschewed an official personality cult. Portraits of him are rarely seen in the streets of Asmara. But his rule has been merciless: He has jailed many of his former rebel comrades, banned any independent media or non-governmental groups and refused to allow elections or opposition parties.

With little private investment, Eritrea has fallen into deep poverty. Scholars have called it the world’s “fastest emptying nation.” An estimated 12 per cent to 20 per cent of the population has fled the poverty and oppression. The money they send home is crucial to the survival of their family members who remain behind. Eritrea’s financial system is so isolated from the world that credit cards cannot be used here – but the government makes sure to allow money to be sent from abroad, a vital lifeline for the economy.

Human development index (HDI), Eritrea vs. select nations
Country (2017 HDI rank)
Eritrea (179)
Ethiopia (173)
Egypt (115)
Canada (12)
Norway (1)

0.2000.4000.6000.8001.000200520072009201120130.4080.3460.6340.8920.932

 

THE GLOBE AND MAIL, SOURCE: united nations development programme. NOTE: HDI IS THE GEOMETRIC MEAN OF NORMALIZED INDICES OF THE THREE KEY DIMENSIONS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT: A LONG AND HEALTHY LIFE, BEING KNOWLEDGEABLE AND HAVE A DECENT STANDARD OF LIVING.
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Country (2017 HDI rank) Eritrea (179) Ethiopia (173) Egypt (115) Canada (12) Norway (1)
2005-01-01 0.408 0.346 0.634 0.892 0.932
2006-01-01 0.409 0.362 0.642 0.895 0.936
2007-01-01 0.411 0.378 0.65 0.897 0.938
2008-01-01 0.407 0.394 0.658 0.899 0.938
2009-01-01 0.416 0.401 0.66 0.899 0.938
2010-01-01 0.416 0.412 0.665 0.902 0.942
2011-01-01 0.417 0.423 0.668 0.905 0.943
2012-01-01 0.422 0.43 0.675 0.908 0.942
2013-01-01 0.425 0.438 0.68 0.911 0.946
2014-01-01 0.428 0.445 0.683 0.918 0.946
2015-01-01 0.433 0.451 0.691 0.92 0.948
2016-01-01 0.436 0.457 0.694 0.922 0.951
2017-01-01 0.44 0.463 0.696 0.926 0.953

Human development index (HDI), Eritrea vs. select nations

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The streets of Asmara, especially at night, are filled with child beggars and elderly hawkers who sell a few cheap items on the sidewalk: a few cigarette packs, candies, tissues, eggs or peanuts. The capital has the atmosphere of a half-forgotten colonial relic. No construction is visible anywhere. No billboards are permitted, except for propaganda posters. There are no traffic lights – they were removed because of the frequent power cuts in the city.

But this year, the historic reforms across the border in Ethiopia have sparked hopes for the future. Ethiopia’s energetic Prime Minister, Mr. Abiy, who took office in April, has brought new freedoms to his country, releasing political prisoners, freeing jailed journalists, ending a state of emergency, liberalizing the economy – and normalizing relations with Eritrea for the first time in 20 years by accepting the UN border agreement that his predecessors had rejected.

In July, the Ethiopian leader was welcomed by huge crowds in Asmara as he flew into the country to sign the peace agreement. Flights and phone calls between the two countries were permitted for the first time since the border war. Families had tearful reunions with relatives they hadn’t seen for 25 years.

Passengers carrying Ethiopian and Eritrean flags celebrate on the tarmac upon their arrival at the Asmara International airport after the two countries resumed commercial airline flights for the first time in decades.

MICHAEL TEWELDE/AFP/Getty Images

Two Eritrean sisters who hadn’t seen each other in more than two decades are reunited in Asmara after the flight’s arrival from Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, on July 19, 2018.

STRINGER/AFP/Getty Images

Within a few weeks, vehicles were allowed to cross the border. By September, a fast-growing informal trade in Ethiopian goods had developed, allowing a steep reduction in the price of basic food supplies in Eritrea. The price of pasta, potatoes and other staples has dropped by two-thirds or more – a rare glimmer of economic good news for the country.

On the outskirts of Asmara, a vast new market has sprung up to sell Ethiopian goods, with plastic-roofed sheds and tents stretching into the distance. People call it the “Peace Market.” Trucks and cars, many with Ethiopian licence plates, rumble in and out of the market with loads of goods. Horse-drawn wooden carts enter and leave, carrying purchases to shops in Asmara.

“Life is much better now than before I left,” says Bakretsion, 28, who returned to Eritrea in late October after spending four years in a refugee camp in Sudan.

He buys Ethiopian fuel in jerry cans from the Ethiopian traders, then sells it for a small profit at the Peace Market, making up to $10 a day. “I’m surprised at how much I’m earning,” he says. “But this is just a beginning. I don’t know the future.”

Yonas, a young man who sells bread in the market, has spent two years in national service at a low-paying job at a state-owned construction company, and nobody has told him when the job will end. By managing to temporarily take time off from his state job and working 12 hours a day at the market, he has been able to double his meagre income. But he craves more freedoms. “The people have big expectations,” he says.

“If national service isn’t changed, there will be huge problems. Most people will leave the country.”

With the border open and a peace agreement in place, this is a time of rapidly rising expectations in Eritrea, especially among its younger generation. This also makes it a volatile time, when anger bred by the dashed dreams could turn against the regime.

“The peace deal was a bridge to the future, but it didn’t lead anywhere,” one young man says. “On the ground, we are still living the same life. The control is still there, the military is still there, the prisoners are not released, there’s no freedom of speech. So people are unhappy. People have tasted peace, but they haven’t gotten any freedom yet.”

Yacob, the young man who sells smuggled cellphones in Asmara, dreams of someday becoming a tech innovator, like the Silicon Valley entrepreneurs that he reads about. But in the Eritrea of today, he says, it is an impossible dream.

“Politics here is all about monopolization,” he says. “I can’t do anything here. Everything is closed. If I’m smart, I’m dead.”

People walk in the streets of Asmara.

MAHEDER HAILESELASSIE TADESE/AFP/Getty Images

 
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